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- o - 4 Vice-President of the Board of Trade, and
Treasurer of the Navy. Secretary at War. - - : Joint Paymasters-General of the Forces.
' ' ' ' ' ' ' Joint Postmasters-General.
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; Secretaries of the Treasury.
Master of the Rolls. Attorney-General. Solicitor-General.
. . . . . . Lord Lieutenant.
....... Lord High Chancellor. t ... ... Chief Secretary. " s . . . . . . Chancellor of the Exchequer.
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i.e. . . . . . . .
orsoss of the MINISTRY of IRELaND,
to 3 ohio worth . . . . . . . . .
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Letter III--—, on the Hope of Suc-
Letter V. ——, on the Westminster
Tools, on the Causes of his late Expulsion, &c.
Partial and Mean Perry, Proprietor of the Morn-
ing Chronicle, 97. -
... To the People of Hampshire, on the Corn Bill, 321.
A By Stander, on German Troops, 16.
Look at Home, by Tertio, 179.
A Constant Reader, on Commerce and No Cora.
Hampden, on No War with France, 443. -
Official Account of the engagement between the
Act Additional to the French Constitution, 537.
Wheat.--The average price for the above period, through all England, per Winchester Bushel of
Meat.-Per poundoon an average for the time above stated, as sold wholesale at Smithfield Mar-
ket, not including the value of skin or offal.
N.B. This is nearly the retail price all over the country, the Butcher's profit consisting of the skin
Labout.--The average pay per day of a labouring man employed in farming work, at Botley, in
Bullion.—Standard Gold in Bars, per Oz. of 5.2s.-Standard Silver do. 6s. 33d. N.B. These
Funds-Average price of the Three Per Cent. Consolidated Annuities, during the above period,
coBBETT's WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.
Vol. XXVII. No. 1.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JAN. 7, 1815. [Price is,
1] To JOHN CARTWRIGHT, Esq.
THE INFLEXIBLE ENEMY OF TYRANNY. on Tue Peace between England and America. Botley, January 1, 1815. DEAR SIR,-When you, a few minutes after I was enclosed amongst felons in Newgate, for having written about the flogging of English Local Militia-men in the presence of German Dragoons, at the town of Ely, came to take me by the hand, and, looking round you, exclaimed, “Well! “I am seventy years old, but I shall yet “see --------................... ;” When you uttered that exclamation, little indeed did I hope that your prediction would so soon seem to be in a fair way of being fulfilled. The peace with America is certainly the most auspicious event that I have ever had to record, or to notice, since the first day that I ventured to put my thoughts upon É. It opens to mankind a prospect of appier days. It has, by a stroke of the pen, blasted the malignant hopes of the enemies of freedom, baffled all their speculations, flung them back beyond the point whence they started in their career of hostility against the principles of political and civil liberty; hurled them and their paragraphs, and pamphlets and reviews, and all the rest of their hireling productions, down into the dirt to be trampled under foot; changed their exultation into -mourning, their audacity into fear. Let those to whom liberty and slavery are indifferent talk about boundary lines, passages, fishing banks and commercial arrangements; you will look at the peace with very different eyes; you will see in it the greatest stroke that has ever yet been struck in favour of that eause, to which you have devoted your life; and struck, too, at a time, when almost every friend of freedom, except yourself, seemed to have yielded to feelings of despair. A But, in order to be able fully and justly to estimate the consequences of this peace, we must take a review, 1st, of the cause of the war; 2d, of the causes of its conti
I [2 nuance until now ; and, 3d, of the causes which produced the peace. When we have done this, the conscqucoces of such a termination of the war will naturally develope themselves to our view. Happily this war has closed before its causes and its objects have been forgotten. We are yet within the recollection of every circumstance; and though I have, over and over again, stated them all, it is now necessary to recapitulate the material points, and to give them, if possible, a form and situation that may is, the power of time. All sorts of vile means will be used by those who have the controul of a corrupt press, to misrepresent,
this important occasion. To hirelings ars raving with mortification at this orand
before hand. It is, therefore, incumbent
a clear light, and thus to do all that we ars able to counteract their efforts. . FIRST, as to the cause of the war: though there had been several points in dispute, the war was produced by the impressment, by our naval officers, of men out of American ships on the high seas. The Republic wished to take no part in the European war, especially after Napoleon made himself a King, But she, at last found, that, in order to avoid miseries cquai
arm and to fight. We stopped her ships on the high seas, and out naval officers inpresed such men as they thought proper, took them on board of our ships, compelled them to sobmit to our discipline, and to fight, in short, in our service. The ground on which we proceeded to do this was, that the persons impressed were British subjects; and that we had a right to impress British subjects, being seamen, find them where we might. The Republic denied altogether our right to take persons of an description by force out of her neut
ships, unless they were soldiers or seamen actually in the service of our enemy. But, perhaps, if we had confined our impress
ments to our own people, she might agt
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to disfigure, to disguise, to suppress, upou
event, the consequences of which they feel
upon us to place the whole of the matter in p p
to those of war, it was necessary for her to