SELECT POETRY. CHORUS. Then let Britannia's sons rejoice, The Chiefs that prov'd so wise and great When lights from Heaven appear; Then let Britannia's sons rejoice, &c. The nerve that made the Tyrant yield, When Europe felt dismay, The BRITISH SCEPTRE still shall wield, The ships that fill'd with warlike stores, Then let Britannia's sons rejoice, &c. OUR PRINCE we will defend; Then let Britannia's sons rejoice, On seeing a BEAUTIFUL FEMALE at the 1 "Forms that pass us by," In the world's crowd too lovely to remain, Creatures of light we never see again. RELIC fair of classic Greece, MOORE. Athens' pride of sculptured fame, A gazing figure mocks thy face, Superior carving, Nature's claim. Soft the mountain's azure side, Soft is evening's tender blue, Soft the calm of ocean tide, Softer still that eye of heavenly blue. Bright is the opening morning's streak, Bright the rose's crimsou flush, Too bright the peach's hectic cheek, More purely bright the scarletof her blush. Like the tendrils of the vine, In spiral grace of snaky fold, So curl'd her shaking locks of braided gold. 1 Lead me, my King! my Saviour! and my God! [trod; Through all those paths thy sainted servants Teach me thy twofold nature to explore, Copy the human, the Divine adore. To mark through life the profit and the loss, [cross. And trace thee from the manger to the Give me to know the medium of the wise, When to embrace the world, and when despise. To want with patience, to abound with fear, And walk between presumption and despair; Then shall thy blood wash out the stain of guilt, And not in vain, for even me, be spilt. HISTORICAL CHRONICLE. PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Nov. 23. At five o'clock the Lord Chancellor resumed his seat; and the Speech having been read, Earl Manvers rose to move an Address of thanks. The Noble Lord touched upon the different topics of the speech, and dwelt with much force on the causes which had occasioned the meeting of Parliament at the present season of the year. The spirit of tumult and sedition which pervaded. the country called for the prompt interference of the Legislature, and he trusted, that, as that spirit, if not checked, would prove not only subversive of the government of the country, but ruinous to the nation at large, their Lordships would direct their attention to the danger; and that no palliative but energetic measures would be adopted, in order to put a stop to the evil designs of the disloyal and seditious, thereby preserving the internal tranquillity of the country. The Noble Earl then moved an Address, which was an echo to the Speech. Lord Churchill briefly seconded the Address. Earl Grey moved an Amendment. He considered that it was now too apparent to be denied, that a spirit of disloyalty and discontent did exist throughout the country, but he would ask whether it was likely that the desired end would be accomplished by the enactment of new and more vigorous laws. He contended that the present laws, if properly and energetically administered, were of themselves sufficient to meet the desired end, and re-establish peace and order amongst the people. He would ask, it, by adopting more coercive measures to put down one evil, another equally baneful and mischievous to the liberties of the people might not be produced? He contended that the only way to effect the restoration of peace and tranquillity amongst the lower classes of society, was by a strict and complete reduction of all useless expenses. Had this been done? Had the prayers and petitions of the people been attended to? These were questions of importance; and it would be well if they could be answered in the affirmative. He was as anxious as any of his Majesty's Government could be, that the factious leaders, who had anarchy and confusion in view, and who sought to subvert all public and established institu tions, should be proceeded against with all the vigour that the law would admit. The Noble Lord dwelt at some length on GENT. MAG. December, 1819. With this topic, and seriously called upon the House to be alive to the dangers with which the country was menaced. respect to our trade and commerce, he, for one, could not see that they were in that flourishing state which some had considered them. In Glasgow, in the West Riding of Yorkshire, in Manchester, and other places, there was not only a falling off, but a total stagnation in trade; the distresses of the people in these places produced discontent, and consequent disorder. The Noble Lord then alluded to the affair at Manchester: this subject, however, said the Noble Eail, requires a distinct and calm investigation: but he would observe, from all the facts which had come to his knowledge on this me. lancholy event, that the proceedings upon that memorable day could not justify the conduct of the magistrates. The Noble Earl next adverted to several of the topics which are made subjects of censure on Ministers, especially the dismissal of Lord Fitzwilliam; and concluded by moving an Amendment, expressing that their Lordships would take into consideration the general distress of the country; and especially into the circumstances which took place on the 16th of August at Manchester: at the same time pledging themselves to support the Laws and Constitution in every part. Viscount Sidmouth traced the proceedings of the disaffected and of the Magistracy at Manchester, and vindicated the conduct of the latter. He adverted to the dismissal of Earl Fitzwilliam; but said, he would enter no further into these matters until the subject should be brought in another shape before the House. Lord Erskine denied that a Meeting to consider of a Reform of Parliament was illegal; but even if it had been so, they ought to have dispersed it by legal ineans. The Earl of Carysfort and the Duke of Athol vindicated the conduct of the Magistrates of Manchester, and the subsequent conduct of Ministers. Lord Lilford said, he was the advocate of thousands, and tens of thousands, of their loyal and peaceable fellow-subjects, who called upon them to put a stop to those turbulent proceedings, which interfered with their quiet and ordinary habits of life. The Lord Chancellor maintained, that no man could say that such Meetings as the Manchester one were legal, when it was held that numbers constituted force; and tish Constitution, a monument of glory to the latest posterity.-(Loud cheering.) Mr. Bootle Wilbraham defended the conduct of the Grand Jury, of which he had been a member. Lord Millon adverted to a proposal that had been made to him and his friends, to incorporate certain Resolutions with those originally proposed to the Meeting at York, but which had been rejected, as not in unison with them. Mr. S. Wortley observed, that the Noble Lord had rejected the support of him and his friends. For himself he was not an enemy to public Meetings, and was only hostile to the plans of the Radical Reformers. Sir J. Mackintosh and Mr. Scarlett spoke in behalf of the Amendment; Mr. Plunkett in a masterly speech opposed it. The Attorney General defended the conduct of the Magistrates, on the ground that the Manchester Meeting was an illegal one. Sir W. De Crespigny, on account of the lateness of the hour, moved to adjourn the debate. The House divided. For the adjourn ment 65-Against it 453. Mr. Wilberforce insisted that the great body of the Nation, at least the great body of the thinking part of it, was satisfied with the steps the Magistrates of Manchester had taken, and would be dissatisfied if inquiry at the bar was instituted. He knew that the House of Commons acted, in many instances, as the grand inquest of the nation; yet when gentlemen considered that they would be called on to investigate the conduct of the Magistrates in their official capacity, and that in so doing they would be obliged to examine men-not on oath at the barmen too, it should be observed, who professed the new system of morality, who defied the laws of God and man; perhaps they would pause before they determined to exercise those functions, by agreeing to the Amendment. [Hear.) He admitted that there was considerable distress in the country, and if, in our present situation, it could be done without detriment to the State, he would be willing to take off some of those taxes that bore on the lower classes. But gentlemen should recollect that the exigencies of the Government must be provided for, and that it was much easier to remove a tax than to propose a substitute. It was ultimately agreed that the debate should be postponed.-Adjourned at half past 3 o'clock. These Papers are very voluminous, containing various communications from Lords Lieutenant and Magistrates in what are called the "disturbed districts," and furnishing evidence respecting the nocturnal training of numerous parties of men, and the endeavours made to obtain clandestinely supplies of arms. The writers of these communications declare their firm conviction that the objects of those who are now so generally employed in misleading the lower classes are "no other than to reverse the orders of society which have so long been established, and to wrest by force from the present possessors, and to divide among themselves, the landed property of the country." It is further stated, that the Radicals do not affect to disguise their diabolical intentions: the fact of their being regularly drilled in military exercises, and of the maDufacture and use of pikes by them, is duly substantiated by numerous affidavits; and the result of the information of the several journeys lately made by General Byng is a full conviction, that, notwithstanding the schism among the leaders, any relaxation of the means of suppressing sedition would be attended with fatal consequences. The last Letter of this Officer (who is brother to Mr. Byng, the Member for Middlesex) is dated so late as November 18th, and concludes with the following important statement: "A plan has been adopted to circulate more generally seditious and blasphemous tracts, which is, to send gratis such publications weekly, directed to the servants in large families; which I think worthy of mention, not merely to show how indefatigable the authors and leaders of sedition are in effecting their purpose, but that it may be thought expedient to put the heads of families upon their guard. Six different attempts have come to my knowledge to seduce the soldiers, but without the least effect: some of them are under legal investigation. I have only further to add, that whatever disunion may prevail among the leaders of sedition and radical reform, they still unite in the endeavour (though I hope with less success) to excite irritation and discontent among their followers, and to intimidate the loyal and well-affected. With a firm belief In the accuracy of the foregoing statement, I consider it my duty to make this report." served, served, he had never said this was an illegal meeting originally; he had said, its illegality arose out of the subsequent couduct of the meeting. Certainly the force of 40 Yeomanry were sent in to aid the Civil Power in executing the warrant of the Magistrates; and after having done so, this small force was surrounded by the mob, assailed by them, and he might say, overpowered. This was observed by the Magistrates, and Col. L'Estrange, who was with them; by their advice the 15th Dragoons and Cheshire Yeomanry were called in to their aid. The Hon. Grey Bennet had been at Manchester, and had made particular inquiry into the most minute circumstances. He had ascertained, that there were at least 8 persons killed, and 58 were taken to the Infirmary, and that between 300 and 400 persons had been cut down, rode over, and trampled on by the horses. It now appeared that the Riot Act had not beeu read till after the attack on the people commenced; for he, when the time of inquiry arrived, should be able to prove that three persons were killed in the approach of the Yeomanry. Sir W. De Crespigny stated some facts of aggravation on the part of the Yeo manry. Lord Nugent could prove at the bar of the House, that wine and brandy had been served out to the troops before they advanced to the charge, and many of the Constables were so indignant at the duty in which they had been employed, that they broke and burnt their staves, and declared they would never act again. Mr. Warren said, a few days before the Meeting at Manchester, a letter had been sent from Coventry by Hunt, stating the necessity of making a demonstration by physical force. Many thousands had marched to Manchester in military movement, with Hunt at their head. Mr. Phillips said, that much difficulty existed as to the facts, and that in his opinion called for inquiry. The Solicitor General said, there existed nothing to warrant the charge that the Legal Advisers of the Crown had recommended to stifle inquiry. The principles of the Reformers were, Annual Parliaments, Election by Ballot, and Universal Suffrage, or, in other words, the overthrow of the Constitution (hear, hear!); and their language was, that the fate of Charles and James awaited the present Ruler of the kingdom. Hunt had presided at a Meeting at Smithfield, at which he had asserted, that the Acts of Parliament since 1800 were not binding on the country, and that the national debt ought not to be paid. Orders had been given to prosecute him criminally till the proceedings at Smith field had been sunk in the superior importance of those at Manchester. Sir F. Burdett, in a long and warm speech, said, that all the arguments of the learned Gent. had shewn the necessity for inquiry, instead of stifling it. If any man could identify a soldier who had wounded him, it was very well for him to apply to a Court of Law for redress; but what was that to them? What was that to the People of England, who believed that the Constitution had been violated? The people were perfectly loyal, but the Noble Lord had threatened new infringements on the Constitution. They would no doubt be invited to a new Property Tax; but the People were deceived if they thought it would be easing them to lay heavy taxes on the rich, who were their bankers, and on whom they might draw for the reward of their industry and talent.-He asked where was the proof of mischief among the Reformers? The training, he admitted(hear!! but how long had they borne their grievances! A rational Reform would satisfy all; and calling hard names instead of granting it, only proved ignorance and error. There was no ground for the accusation in bulk that the Reformers were hostile to Religion, though no doubt some might be found who were so. Mr. Wynn observed, that it had been said, that meetings of people marching with banners, inscribed "Liberty or Death," &c. were perfectly legal, and conducted with the greatest order and regularity. But whatever the Hon. Baronet might assert, he (Mr. Wynn) would assert that such practices were treasonable. If such meetings were allowed, others might be held to consider the propriety of changing the succession to the Throne. Sir J. Sebright said he should vote against the Amendment, because he thought inquiry would be carried on with more effect in a Court of Law. He would gladly vote for Parliamentary Reform, because he believed it would satisfy nineteen out of twenty persons in the nation. Mr. Littleton said he would vote against the Amendment, because the question proposed for Parliamentary inquiry ought to be discussed in another place. Mr. Canning rose amidst cheers of hear, hear! and delivered a brilliant speech. There were two grounds, he said, on which the Manchester question was pressed as a fit subject of investigation: first, as being an attack upon the Constitution; secondly, because inquiry was demanded by the resolutions of various Meetings. As to the first ground, he considered that already disposed of; and for the resolutions it was curious to observe, that all the Meetings in which they were passed, set out with the admission that |
