GENTLEMAN'S MAGAZINE, AND HISTORICAL CHRONICLE. FROM JULY TO DECEMBER, 1832. VOLUME CII. (BEING THE TWENTY-FIFTH OF A NEW SERIES.) PART THE SECOND. PRODESSE & DELECTARE. E PLURIBUS UNUM. BY SYLVANUS URBAN, GENT. London: PRINTED BY J. B. NICHOLS AND SON, 25, PARLIAMENT STREET; AND SOLD BY JOHN HARRIS, AT THE CORNER OF ST. PAUL'S CHURCH YARD, Ludgate strEET; BY G. G. BENNIS, 55 RUE 1832. LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIST OF EMBELLISHMENTS. [Those marked thus are Vignettes printed with the letter-press.] PAGE View of Exeter Hall, Strand *Carving of Arms, and Niche, in Hornsey Church, Middlesex. .... 17 ..105 ..108 ..113 ..114 ..201 .209 ...213 *Dryburgh Abbey, the Burial-place of Sir Walter Scott. Church of St. Dunstan in the West, London. 216 ..291 ..297 *Ground-plan of the Old and New Churches of St. Dunstan's .298 *Armorial emblem of the Trinity at St. Dunstan's.. ..301 Newbigging Chapel, co. Northumberland.... ..305 Old Tower and Mansion House of Cresswell, Northumberland.......... *Map of Western China. *Earthwork, or ancient Fortification at Laceby, Lincolnshire. Sepulchral Brass of John Daye, the Printer, at Little Bradley, Suffolk. .417 Bridge and Chapel of Morpeth, co. Northumberland..... Cockle Park Tower, Northumberland........ *Plan for raising the Royal George or other sunken Vessels. Representations of several Leathern Jettons from Terouenne Ancient Vessel found in Picardy ... .497 ...505 ib. ..558 ..585 ib. ...598 ...602 ..603 PREFACE. In closing our Volume for the year 1832, it is impossible not to take cognizance of the great political change which has been effected during that period. In the conducting of our Miscellany we have always endeavoured to stand aloof from violent party feeling, and to judge of public measures solely by their probable effects, and the motives of their promoters. Well knowing that a governing power must be lodged somewhere, we have felt assured of the immutable axiom, that, for the benefit of all, it should be based in justice, and executed with vigour. This is the life principle of every permanent government, and especially essential to a constitutional Monarchy. Where indeed can power be more confidentially entrusted than to a restricted Monarchy, in alliance with a tolerant and apostolically constituted Church, which has so long and successfully withstood the absurd and unscriptural pretensions of Popery, and the fastidious and insinuating scruples of schism, with no other weapons than the sword of the spirit and the word of truth? It will at once be allowed that such a Church must compose a portion of that impregnable foundation against which it is predicted that "the gates of hell shall not prevail," and a close connection with her must strengthen the secular government. The monarchy by these means becomes a sort of theocracy, and the experience of manifold mercies manifested to us as a nation, in the stupendous and unparalleled contest with the hydra of revolution and the ambition of Napo leon, must have fully demonstrated to every thinking mind, that we, like the Israelites of old, have had our cloud to guide us by day, and our pillar of fire by night. It follows, therefore, by the plainest reasonable deduction, that to preserve the alliance of the Crown of Great Britain with the Protestant Reformed Church, to uphold the dignity, respectability, and mildly-asserted ascendancy of that Church, is to ensure for our welfare the favour of its Almighty founder ; while the converse of this position would be to make expediency our idol, and to set the immediate protection of Providence at nought. Our future Legislators will, we trust, well consider these fundamental principles of government; if disregarded, anarchy, unstable democracy, and dismemberment of the Empire, must be the infallible result. On the subject of amendment in our Parliamentary Representation, that great master of our national jurisprudence, Judge Blackstone, has the following pertinent remark:-" There is hardly (with us) a free agent to be found but what is entitled to vote in some place or other of the kingdom. Nor is comparative wealth or property entirely disregarded in elections; for, though the richest man has only one vote in one place, yet, if his property be at all diffused, he has probably a right to vote at more places than one, and therefore has many Representatives. This is the spirit of our Constitution; not that I assert it is in fact quite so perfect as I have endeavoured to describe it; for, if any altera |
