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motion, were actually in office. The motion was then agreed to.

TRANSPORT SERVICE] Mr. Huskisson, after observing upon the propriety of calling the attention of the House to the expence of the Transport Service, the estimate of which for the current year was no less than three millions, moved for a return of the number and tonnage of the hired transports in the public service, describing the number on each station, and also the number of seamen employed in navigating the same. The hon. gent. expressed a wish at the same time that his right hon. friend (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) should postpone his motion upon this subject, which stood for Monday, in order that gentlemen might have time to examine the document he moved for.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer saw no necessity of acceding to the delay required, as the interest of the public service called for expedition.

Mr. Tierney thought the delay proposed by the hon. gent. ought to be acceded to, in order to afford the House time to examine the documents connected with this subject.

Mr. Wilberforce expected to have seen, in the naval estimates, some item with regard to the construction of a Dock-yard at Northfleet.

The motion was then agreed to.

[EAST INDIA AFFAIRS.] Mr. Creevey rose, in pursuance of his notice, to move for three sets of papers on the subject of the affairs of India. As this was a subject of great importance, it was but fit he should state distinctly the object of his motions. The first set of papers for which he should move, would be for the purpose of shewing the nature and progress of those disturbances in the Madras army last summer which had shaken the British empire in India. From them it would appear, that this was no mutiny of an or dinary nature, and that the danger incur red was great beyond conception or example. It was not by the superiority of a handful of Europeans that our empire in India was to be preserved. The king's troops did not amount to 20,000 men, and the company had but three battalions. On the other hand, there was an army of from 150, to 160,000 native troops raised and recruited from those countries the governments of which we had overturned and destroyed. He feared that all these countries united in sentiments hostile to the British. In such a situation as this, what must have been their feelings, on being spectators of the British officers in array against the British government, and actually engaged in con

Sir C. Pole was an advocate for delay. There were many points connected with the navy which called for serious consideration. He had no doubt that such reductions might be made in our navy as would render the additional vote of 15,000 men totally unnecessary. There were many reductions indeed which were called for by justice and humanity. For in-flict?-What must they have thought, stance, old sailors should not be employed on harbour duty. It was scandalous to see men worn out in the service subjected to the labours of convicts. But there were other arrangements which it might be expedient to refer to a committee. There were perhaps 15 or 16,000 men in the navy who had not, owing to our situation, set foot on shore since the year 1795. Now, in his opinion, these men ought to be relieved from service according as they came into port. Indeed, viewing the present state of France, and of the maritime world, he could not see why a considerable reduction should not be made in our naval force instead of voting, as was proposed, a much larger amount of force than the country had ever before employed. Besides, the change which had just taken place in the government of the Admiralty was a reason for delay, that the individual appointed might have time to examine the subject.

when they saw the blood of the native troops shed in a quarrel of this kind? It was a miracle that our Indian empire withstood the shock-a shock so terrible, that he was informed the government had to send emissaries to the camp to seduce the soldiers from their officers. He was astonished that the empire survived it, and was sure that it must have shaken the opinions both of the people and native troops; with regard to the British. The first set of papers as he had said, would illustrate who was right and who was wrong in this dreadful affair. At present he would give no opinion. The govern ment accused the officers of entering into a combination, and carrying matters to so dangerous a length, that they were compelled to interfere; and, on the other hand, the officers denied all this, and accused the governor, sir George Barlow, of having, for a year before they entered into this combination, treated them through

the same. The council of Madras consisted of four persons, at the head of whom was sir G. Barlow. Those who dissented from him, were, by law, to state their reasons in minutes to the court of Directors. He wished to have these, as he understood Mr. Petrie, the second in council, did object to the measures pursued. His (Mr.

as compared with sir G. Barlow's; for he had been 44 years at Madras, while the latter had only been two or three there. The only remaining papers for which he should move, were such as would shew how these matters had been viewed by the court of directors and the government at home. This was more necessary, as the court of directors had divided in equal numbers on the question, whether sir G. Barlow or Mr. Petrie should be recalled? and the accidental issue was the sending Mr. Petrie to another government. Some of the directors had protested against this, and he wished to have these protests, to see on what their opinions were founded.

out with wanton insult.-The only opinion he could now give was, that no provocation to the soldier could justify an appeal to arms. The next sets of papers he would move for, were connected with certain proceedings of the civil courts of law at Madras. Here it was necessary for him to state a few facts, to shew what his intention was on this part of the ques-Petrie's) opinions too, were of some weight tion. A few years ago, when the Carnatic was ceded to the company, they took upon themselves the payment of the prince's debts. To liquidate these, they resolved to set apart the sum of five millions. In this country, by an act of the House of Commons, commissioners had been appointed to inquire into the claims, and pay the money; and, last year, they had found there were claims to the amount of 30, instead of five millions. In such a matter as this, there were, no doubt, many fictitious demands. At Madras, a certain body, either from holding bonds, or for some other reason, calling themselves the bona fide creditors of the Nabob, prosecuted other claimants, in three different actions, for conspiracy and perjury. In these three trials, however, strange as it might sound in this country, the government took part, not with the prosecutors, but against them, and for the prosecuted; and by their influence the question was decided. The interference, too, was of an oppressive kind: several of the prosecu-chief, tors were removed from their offices, and sent hundreds of miles from Madras. One | person in particular, 60 years of age, who produced a certificate from his physician, to prove that removal would be dangerous to his health, and asked the reason for his banishment, was denied an answer, and sent to a place where, by his death, in a fortnight, he confirmed the physician's predictions. Not content with this, government had still further interfered, and selecting certain persons from the three juries by whom these prosecutions were tried, dealt with them as they had dealt with the prosecutors, removing them from office and sending them away from Madras. He did not mean to say that the government might not have been reduced to the necessity to exercise this power; but it seemed so strange to men in this country, that it was but fit to be inquired into. He would therefore move for the production of copies of these trials; of the orders for the removal of the persons: applications, inquiring into the causes thereof; and other papers connected with

These were all the papers he now wanted; but, he trusted, should any others appear to be necessary during the course of this inquiry, he would be permitted to call for them. The hon. gent. concluded by moving for the mass of papers abovementioned, being copies of all correspondence between the commander-inand the governor in council at Madras, directing the arrest of lieut.-col. Monroe, &c.

Sir H. Montgomery gave his hearty support to the motion. He contended that all the unfortunate disturbances in India had originated in the violence and oppression of the Madras government; and declared, that things had been done in the courts of law in India, which, had they been attempted in this country, would inevitably have produced a revolution.

Mr. R. Dundas condemned strongly the course which the hon. gent. had thought fit to pursue on this business. Several weeks ago that hon. gent. had moved for papers respecting it, a motion at which no one rejoiced more than bimseif, as he was most happy that the attention of the House should be called to it. Finding this, however, the hon. gent. after a long delay, gave so late as only yesterday notice of a motion this day for a set of additional papers much more voluminous than the others, and containing a great deal of matter wholly unconnected with the military part of the question.

awaited the man who could boldly utter | his sentiments? These applications failed, and the consequence was rebellion. He heartily wished that our possessions in India were gone; they were a loadstone round the neck of the country, and would, at length, succeed in sinking her. Until papers, exculpatory of sir G. Barlow's conduct, were brought forward: he would continue to think unfavourably of him.

Mr. Grant said that a great deal of mischief would be occasioned by the intemperate discussion of Indian affairs in that House. Sir G. Barlow had been treated most unfairly by several of the gentlemen who had taken a part in this discussion. There were no grounds for a single accusation against him. The whole of that gentleman's conduct, during the late proceedings in Madras, was such as raised him highly in the opinion of all who were acquainted with him. He would restrain himself with respect to the particulars, till the papers were laid on the table.

Mr. Grenfell supported the motion. Mr. P. Moore said, it was the duty of the gentlemen opposite, to bring the subject forward long since. He asserted that the army of Madras, instead of being in the state described by an hon. gent. (Mr. Dundas) was remarkable for loyalty when sir G. Barlow entered that country, and it was the duty of ministers to see whether irritation had not been the cause of sedition.

Mr. Lushington said, it was improper to enter into so full a discussion, without the necessary documents. He had heard contradictory statements from both sides, but no satisfaction whatsoever had been given. He considered the conduct of sir G. Barlow as unnecessarily harsh; but, however harsh it was, it could not warrant the crime of sedition. He hoped that tranquillity would be soon restored, by uniting the civil and military authorities.

The question for the papers was then put, and agreed to.

[KING'S MESSAGE RELATING TO THE DUKE OF BRUNSWICK.] The House having gone into a Committee on his Majesty's message,

The Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed a vote of 7,000 a year to the duke of Brunswick. He in a few words commented on the heroic exertions of that illustrious personage, in defence of his dominions, the loss of which arose out of his connection with this country, or at least that connection was one of the ope

rating causes. He reminded the House of their liberality in the fatal period of the French revolution, and compared the superiority of claim in the present instance, over that of any case that then occurred. He then moved, That it is the opinion of this Committee that a sum not exceeding 7,000l. a year be granted to his Majesty, out of the consolidated fund, to enable him to make provision for the establishment of the duke of Brunswick as long as the occupation of his territories by the French troops, precluded him from returning to the possession of his dominions.

Lord Milton did not rise to oppose the motion, but to question the propriety of drawing the sum demanded from the source alluded to. The enormous increase of taxes he believed to be the real cause of the present popular irritation, and it behoved ministers to look out for supply from some other source than the burdens of the people. The droits of admiralty would be amply and well calculated to contribute to the exigencies of the person. age in question.

Mr. H. Martin had no objection to the grant, provided it was drawn from the ad miralty droits, or some such source; and required to be informed why that might not be done?

Captain Parker asked, would it be pos sible for man to describe the feelings of the people of England, if they saw a prince begging through their streets?

Mr. Hawkins Browne thought the people of England would submit to any sacrifice sooner than witness such a spectacle. He added that the illustrious prince in question had a large family to support.

Sir J. Newport said, that there was no disposition to refuse that personage the provision proposed, but he thought it a matter of no little importance to ascertain whether that provision might not be made without adding to the burthens of the people; as to the claim of large family, so pathetically put forth by the hon. gent., that plea, he suspected, would not turn out to be well founded, or if it did, it must shock the piety of that hon. gent. to be told, that the duke of Brunswick never had been married [a laugh] at least, such was the rumour.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer thought that the hon. baronet might have learned a sufficient lesson from the proceedings of last night, that would have restrained him from making a charge upon a mere ru The duke of Brunswick had no

mour.

wife, because he had had the misfortune to lose her, and was left with two children to heighten, and, at the same time, to console his misfortunes.

Sir J. Newport disclaimed any intention of throwing out an imputation against the noble duke, but he would assure the right hon. gent. that no lesson of the kind alluded to, should deter him from prosecuting any public malversation whatever. He admitted that in the case of last night a candid defence had been made out, and he was not ashamed of such admission. The motion was then agreed to.

HOUSE Of Lords.

Monday, May 7.

[CRUELTY TO ANIMALS BILL.] Lord Erskine, after the second reading of this bill, rose and moved, that the House should resolve into a Committee upon it. His lordship said, that having addressed the House at considerable length on this subject last session, he should endeavour to discharge the obligation he owed them for their patience on that occasion, by forbearing to consume much of their time at present. He had a high respect for the talents, and a personal friendship for some of those by whom his bill was opposed in the other House; and he was perfectly satisfied with their exercise of their right of judging for themselves, but considering the majority in favour of the bill, in one of its stages, he could not see that it was ultimately lost in the other House on the principle of it. He made alterations in the present bill to remove the chief objections that had been already urged against it. The word "malicious" he had inserted in order to make it clear and certain that it was upon that ground only that an indictment or conviction could take place. He had likewise omitted the word "beat" in the terms employed to express the kind of cruelty inflicted. With these alterations, he intended to reconcile the different views of persons in so important a matter.

Lord Ellenborough was convinced of the excellence of the motive that had given birth to this bill, but could not agree altogether to its provisions, being persuaded that if it passed as it now stood, it would cause more vexation to mankind than was now suffered by the brute creation. If, however, his noble and learned friend would give up the term "or otherwise abuse,' " he should have no objection to

the bill; but if these words were suffered to remain, he must oppose it, being convinced that under these indefinite words the greatest vexation would arise by means of charges made under so vague an enactment before magistrates.

Lord Erskine expressed his hope that they should agree upon the subject in the Committee. The bill was then committed for the next day.

[STATE OF THE COUNTRY.] Earl Grey rose and said, that when he turned his mind to the consideration of the present state of this country, which every thinking man must at this moment, be compelled to do with the greatest seriousness and anxiety; whether he looked at our situation as connected with foreign affairs or the management of our domestic concerns; whether he looked at the conduct and events of the war in which we were engaged, or at the measures pursued at home; in whatever light he endeavoured to view our situation, either as to the conduct of government, or the state of the public mind, he must confess that the feel ings by which he was actuated were any other than those of joy, or cheerfulness, or hope. The claims that such considerations had upon their lordships' attention, and that of every public man in the country, were irresistible, and he felt it to be his bounden duty to take this public notice of them in their lordships' House of Parliament. Our situation was, indeed, such as must make it desirable to give support to the government and constitution of the country, which were at present placed in a situation of singular danger. But it was far from his intention to add to the evils of the country by rallying round, as it was called, or joining with the present administration, which was so mainly the cause of our existing dangers. Notwithstanding that report had been pretty generally, he hoped not maliciously, circulated, he took that opportunity to state to the House and the public, that it was very far from any intention entertained by him. On the contrary, he felt it to be his duty to arraign and to expose their gross mismanagement, and repeated and dangerous misconduct, to parliament and to the nation. To rally round them entered not into his mind; but he would rally round the parliament and the constitution. From the commencement of their power, the King's present ministers had continued to act worse and worse. They lived merely on a miserable set of shifts

the natives of India to the British government, with the solid proof they had given of their allegiance to that government, even in opposition to those very individuals by whom they were in the habit of being daily commanded, and who no doubt in a considerable degree possessed their attachment. As for the appointment of sir G. Barlow to the presidency at Madras, all he could say was that, on coming into office three years ago, he found the go

With regard to that portion of the papers now moved for which really bore upon the military question, he was as anxious as the hon. gent. for their production, solicitous as he was to have the cause of the late unfortunate occurrences in India fully developed and discussed. The hon. gent. asserted, that any thing like the mutiny which had existed among the troops in India was wholly unprecedented. He wished that he could confirm that assertion. He trusted, however,vernment of Madras vacant. It came to that such an event would never recur; and he firmly believed, that the means which had been resorted to, to suppress the recent disturbances, were those which were the best calculated to prevent their recurrence. For his own part, he was astonished how any set of men could have have gone the length to endeavour to intimidate the government of India into concessions, as disgraceful and ruinous to themselves as they would have been destructive of the British empire in that country. Deliberative meetings of military men ought not to be permitted. They were wholly inconsistent with all idea of military discipline. He did not believe that any of the individuals who went the lengths which they subsequently did, had the least intention of doing so in the first instance. Of such a premeditated design he by no means accused them, but he trusted their example would operate as a warning to military men how they commenced acts which were incompatible with military subordination, and which must ultimately lead to the subversion of all good government, and to the overthrow of the whole power of the state. With respect to sir G. Barlow, he was persuaded that the salvation of the British interests in India was attributable to his undaunted firmness, and to his determination at all hazards to maintain the dignity and character of the British government. It was sir G. Barlow's opinion-an opinion in which he concurred, that the nation had better not have a single acre in Hindostan, than possess it subject to the pleasure of any military body whatever. The hon. mover had stated it as an alarming circumstance that the native troops had been called upon to support the govern ment against their own officers. It certainly was much to be lamented that circumstances drove the British government in India to take this step; but he wished to know how the hon. gent. could reconcile his assertion of the general dislike of

be a question with the court of directors whom to appoint to that situation; for the appointment was vested in them, although it was usual for them to require the concurrence of his Majesty's government. It was his wish that a person of competent qualifications should assume that government, either from this country or from Bengal, for it did not appear to him that there were any individuals at Madras on whom it would have been expedient to confer the presidency. Sir G. Barlow had been selected because of his high rank in the Bengal service, and because of his strict honour and integrity. He was ap pointed as superior to all the petty intrigues of the place over which he was to preside, and which intrigues it was the constant aim of government to discounte nance and suppress. Such was the history of the appointment of sir G. Barlow. When the papers came to be on the table, the House would see how far he had answered the expectations which had been formed of him. Nothing could be more censurable than the anonymous means to which, in the absence of all official documents, the officers had resorted for defence. He was prepossessed against any cause by such a mode of advocating it. He repeated that for that portion of the papers moved for by the hon. gent. which related to the military occurrences, he would vote with the greatest satisfaction; but these were coupled in the hon. gent.'s motion with documents so voluminous, and so unconnected with the military part of the question, that unless the session were protracted very much beyond its ordinary duration, no hope could be entertained of submitting them to the consideration of the House. Several of the papers likewise which would be included by the hon. gent.'s motion it would be unfit to publish. On the breaking out of the disturbances in India, the government mails had been stopped by the revolters; government were consequently compelled to stop the mails

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