the popish deceiver for the ignorant Roman Catholics. If Arians, Socinians, or Unitarians, had been as numerous as the Papifts, they would, probably, have equally coalefced with the French fraternizers, who always, indeed, meet with lefs obftacles to their purposes in thefe defcriptions of men, than in the profeffors of the found, fcriptural, and loyal religion of the established Church. This is not the period to encreafe the political power, or, in their cant, political liberty, of perfons naturally difaffected! it is not the time for Catholic Emancipation, that is, the deftruction of the Ecclefiaftical Establishment of Ireland; it is not the æra for repealing the Teft or Corporation Acts, or placing the teacher of a conventicle, on an equality with a clergyman of the Church of England or Ireland. But, viewing all these characters with a fufpicious eye, and carefully watching all their proceedings, we yet regard an enlightened Catholic as a better Chriftian than the Unitarians, Priestley and Belfham, look upon the expatriated priests of France with complacency and pity, and think their religion a bleffing to the universe, when compared with the theophilanthropism, atheifin, and immorality, of French philofophy. THE REVIEWERS REVIEWED. ART. I. Remarks on the Conduct of Oppofition, during the prefent Parliament. By Geoffrey Mowbray, Efq. Pp. 117 Price 2s. 6d. Wright, 1798. HE work before us affumes an epiftolary form, but is not fubfcribed with the name mentioned in the title-page, which we understand to be fictitious. Whatever the author's name be, it deferves not to remain in obfcurity, as his production, in point of principle, fentiment, and reafoning, fhews him to be a loyal and patriotic fubject, and an able writer. He confiders the conduct of the Oppofition, whom he styles the New Whigs, firft, generally, in their feceflion from Parliament, in their declarations and conduct at tavern meetings, on different occafions, but particularly thofe of the Whig Club. He repeats oppofition accounts of the ftate of the country, and demonstrates that, were these true, the obligation would only be the ftronger on patriot statesmen to adminifter to its relief; that the weaker, or more wicked, they reprefent represent the prefent fervants of his Majefty, the more it is their duty to exert their talents and virtue, to leffen the evils refulting from that weakness and wickednefs. The reafons affigned by them, in announcing their intention, the writer fhews were much more hurtful than the measure itself which they had in contemplation. "They declared that our reprefentative fyftem is effete, rotten, and inadequate to the functions of a free government; that the fentiments of the country have no weight in the Commons' Houfe of Par. liament; all conftitutional controul is funk, and fwallowed up in minifterial influence. The meafures of a profligate administration are voted in a mood of rash and unmerited confidence, while the falutary counfels of upright statesmen are rejected with disdain.” Pp. 2, 3. Were this account true as it is falfe and wicked, the plain inference would be overturn the prefent Conftitution of the Houfe of Commons. The writer fhews the falfehood of their affertion, that the prefent Houfe of Commons do not speak the fentiments of their conftituents. Notwithstanding the zealous efforts of oppofition to procure addreffes for the removal of his Majefty's Minifters, in moft counties, they did not venture to call a meeting of the people, well affured that their propofition would be negatived: in many, where they did hazard the attempt, they were out-voted. But even if the Houfe of Commons were as imperfect as they reprefent, that was no reafon for members of the Houfe of Peers to defert their duty. The writer next comes to the Whig Club, and often, justly, and ftrongly, as the proceedings of those meetings have been expofed, we have never feen them handled with more ability than in the prefent performance. After fome obfervations on the leading members of that fociety he gives the following defcription of the herd : "These last are an ill-forted gang, fuch as are readily picked up in a large and corrupted city; a mob of writers for public prints; of politicians without knowledge; of lawyers without business; of inen of fashion without fortune; and of tradesmen without employment. Most of them in the jaws of bankruptcy and ruin. All of them at war with the wholesome restraints and fober demeanour of a well-ordered government. Men who turn the reftleffness of their own minds, and the melancholy confequences of their own faults, into a charge of high mifdemeanour, and crime against the miniftry; whofe difcontents do not arife from any general grievance, but have their fource in a want of induftry to increase their means to the capacious fize of their appetites; or of fortitude to reduce their appetites within the narrow compafs of their means." Pp. 18, 19. We think the author, accurate and eloquent as his defcription of the Whig Club is, overlooks one fertile fource of CROWN CROWN-AND-ANCHOR WHIGS; that is, the vanity of weak, ignorant, and infignificant men, who become members of the Whig Club to have an opportunity of repeating the names of men of genius, parrotting their common-place obfervations, mangling what is new, because they were too dull to understand it; flattering themselves, when they return to the circles of their neighbours, that thefe will impute to them fome of the brilliancy and force of their occafional affociates; as if any man of fense would believe ignorance and weakness to be one whit lefs ignorance and weakness because it happened to fit at the fame table with Sheridan and Fox. This filly love of diftinction, by perfons who have neither talents nor virtue to attain it by any thing really praiseworthy, we have reafon to believe, frequently recruits the Whig Club; as our author may be, probably, convinced, on extending his enquiries. Having difcuffed the general conduct of oppofition he enters into a more particular enquiry, and examines three points at iffue between them and miniftry: 1ft. The conduct to be observed towards Ireland; 2d. The fubject of the Peace; and 3d. The prefent fyftem of Taxation. On the first of thefe questions he fhews himself thoroughly acquainted with the state of Ireland, civil and religious, previous to the treafonable defigns of the United Irifhmen; investigates the causes, and marks the rife and progrefs, of difaffection, juftifies the measures of Government to reprefs it, and reprobates the fpeeches and conduct of oppofition, as fomenting and cherishing a fpirit leading to infurrection and rebellion; contends that the extenfion of Catholic privileges was a mere pretext, and that the United Irishmen had really entered into terms with France; an inference highly probable from circumstances then known, but now confirmed by the testimony of the principal confpirators before the Secret Committee. He proves that the New Whigs (whether intentionally or not they beft know hitherto) actually increased the difaffection, and encouraged the hopes of the United Irifhmen. In confidering the second point, the negociation, he manifefts a complete knowledge of the fubject; and, although much novelty is not to be expected on a topic fo often examined, there are many ingenious remarks on the conduct of oppofition leaders refpecting its failure. In confidering the prefent fyftem of taxation, he, with great ability, expofes the financial ignorance of Lord Lauderdale; although he allows his Lordship to poífefs much acutenefs and ingenuity, yet he proves his calculations to be entirely erroneous, and, confequently, his conclufions from them falfe. With a very strong L NO. VII. VOL. II. and and seasonable exhortation to his countrymen not to admit, without examination, the injurious statements of the New Whigs, he finishes his pamphlet with the following juft reflections: "Moft affuredly, our fituation is not deftitute of danger, when the efforts of the country are oppofed and thwarted by fuch men. Neither is it to be concealed that we cannot hope for fuccefs against our natural enemy without confiderable self-denial on the part of the rich. But what country has purchafed glory and advantage at an inferior price? When we fight for our domeftic liberties, for our foreign independence, and for our commercial rights; when we rise up to protect Europe from anarchy, barbarifm, and final fubjugation, the object is worthy of the effort, and the refult is in the hands of God. If we fall in fuch a conteft, we fall as becomes a noble people, leav、 ing an example to our pofterity which may excite them to avenge us. I know, my dear friend, you agree with me in thinking that there is but little probability of fuch a melancholy event. Alone, and unaffifted, our native ftrength is more than fufficient to enfure us final fuccefs. But courage and magnanimity have never failed to procure allies. A very fhort refiftance muft rally Europe round our ftandard. Thofe powers, which are ftill independent, cannot long endure the contemptuous violation of their rights, the reftlefs fpirit, the overbearing haughtiness, and the ambitious plans of the French Republic. Her enormous exactions from her allies, and her newlyacquired dominions, have fown the feeds of refiftance, difcontent, and infurrection. It does not require much fagacity to foresee that a ftorm is now gathering which must ultimately burst upon her.” Pp. 116, 117. We are happy to hear that a work of fo falutary a tendency has had great circulation, and we doubt not that every fenfible, impartial, and conftitutional gentleman, who has read it, will join with us in praifing its object and execution, and recommending its perufal to all the friends of this country. The Analytical Reviewers are lefs violent in their attack on this than on many other conftitutional performances. But, to make up for their moderation on the fubject in question, they are very violent on a fubject not in questionthe conduct of the Government towards Ireland. But hear the late worthies themfelves.-"Let it be remembered, that there was a time, during our struggle with America, in which a change of miniftry would have reconciled the Americans to us, and preferved the union of the parent and the children. We fpared the miniftry, and loft the colonies; we may now fpare the miniftry, and lofe Ireland. Verbum fat." A very common fophiftry, among Jacobins, is the affimilation of the American revolution with that of France, and others others which French principles have produced, or been likely to produce. We are far from imputing this doctrine altogether to the depraved wills of Jacobins; we attribute it, partly, to the imbecillity of their underftandings. Minds capable of investigating principles would find that the American revolution arofe chiefly from special causes: in the first place, repugnance to innovations refpecting revenue; fecondly, indecifion and fluctuation in our counfels; thirdly, want of vigour in the execution of ministerial plans. In the Americans, there was nothing inimical to religion, to the rights of property, to focial order; there was no refemblance to French or Irish Jacobinifm. In the British counfels and conduct there was neither the vigour, the decifion, nor the wifdom, of the prefent government. The affertion of refemblance is, therefore, falfe, and the inference drawn from it abfurd. ART. II. An Oblique View of the Grand Confpiracy against Social Order, c. (Continued from P. 692, VOL. 1.) E now refume our extracts from this co-operator in W the fattar talk of expofing, to public indignation, the malignant efforts of Jacobinical Critics. His remarks on the Analytical Review-now configned to a revolutionary state of eternal fleep-are thus continued :— "We find alfo, in the fame volume, a curious extract from Dr. Kippis' Faft Sermon,-inferted probably with the fame defign, as the extracts already quoted,-which, in many points of view, merits once more the public attention. From what has been said (observes the Doctor) the difturbers of the world (meaning evidently, as ap pears by the fequel, the conductors of all the established governments in Europe, but especially, Emperors and Kings,) might fee that they cannot effectually fight against God. I fay they might fee this; but that they will not, in fact, attend to fo important a truth, is much to be apprehended. They will probably pufh forwards their impious. projects, (to crush the confpiracy we are tracing,) but if they obftinately perfift in their injuftice and their iniquity, let them remember that their attempts hall fooner or later be confounded.* While they are eagerly ftriving to crush the interests of mankind they shall in the conclufion contribute to their establishment and increase. It is not to be expected that the voice of preachers fhould be regarded amidst the "Dr. Pr-ftley has likewife told us THAT A TRAIN IS LAID." |
