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indeed, they defended their measures by asserting that they were consonant to the principles and system of Pitt, and that he would have done the same under like circum-ta ces. This the other party used to deny. Both parties pretended that they were, and still pretend that they are, the followers of Pitt. “Ours is his system,” say one party. “No,” say the other, “it is we who possess his true system.” Like the two convents of monks, who, in their holy zeal, blackguarded each other for four centuries, each of then swearing that they possessed exclusively the real cross on which Christ was crucified. A mutual friend to these ghostly brotherhoods, at one time, interfered, reconmending a miracle to make both real crosses. But this did not suit the brotherhood whose cross happened to be in vogue, as they would thereby have let their rivals in for a share of the offerings. No miracle is, however, necessary in the case before us. The people of England, long ago cured of party delusions; Hong ago sickened by the professions of hunters after place; long ago disgusted with the wrangling of the OUTS and the 1NS, whom they have constantly seen unite and cordially co operate against reform; the people are quite willing to give them both credit for possessing the real Pitt system, and to believe, that, if those who are now OUTS were INS, they would do precisely , that which is now doing, and that which will be done, by their opponents. I am, Sir, with great respect, your faithful and obedient servant, t WM. Corbert.
AMERICA AND ALGIERS.
As the war, which has now begun between the “Democratic Rulers” of America and the “Regular Government” of Algiers, may lead to important consequences, it is proper to insert here the grounds of this war, as far as we can come at them. We have the American official documents only. America has a tell-tale sort of government. It has no state secrets. It blabs out the proceedings in negociations, while the negociators are still assembled. Not so the Regular Government of Algiers, which is one of the “ ancient and tenerał?e institutions” which the Bostonian Noblesse so, much admire; one of the “gems in the crowu of ancient glory,”
of which Mr. Chateaubriand speaks so feelingly and so fooliskly; one of the links in the chain of the “social system,” which has recently been under the hammers of so many able artizans at Vienna. The Regular Government of Algiers does not rake any prefaces to war. It observes a dignified silence till it has actually begun and made some progress in the war! Till it has made a good haul of the enemy’s ships, before he knows that he is looked upon as an enemy. This is the practice of the Regular Government; the “ ancient “ and venerable institution, in Algiers.” I shall now insert, first, an account of the grounds of war from the National Intel/igencer, published at Washington; next the Report of Congress upon the subject; and last, the Act of Congress declariug war against Algiers. For, the reader will observe, that, in the Irregular Government of America, war cannot be declared by the Chief Magistrate, without the consent of the people's real representatives.—I reserve a few remarks to follow the documents.
| Grounds of the War.—From the National Intelligencer.
It is probable that many of our readers may not bear in mind the facts on which the recent Declaration of War against Algiers is predicated. We have, therefore, obtained for their information, the Report
House of Representatives, chairman of the committee, to whom the bill was recommitted in secret sitting.—The documents accompanying the Report, which are too long, and perhaps not proper, for present publication, are so conclusive, as to leave no doubt on the mind of any one who hears or reads them, of the impossibility of re-establishing Peace with the Dey of Algiers, unless by coercion, except under the most base and humiliating condition. Our readers may judge of the inveterate hostility of that barbarian tyrant towards us, growing merely out of the most sordid cupidity and natural ferocity and cruelty of temper, by two or three facts, collected from a momentary
made on the subject by Mr. Gaston, of the
glance at the documents accompanying
Algiers, for whom he was authorised to give a ransom, not exceeding 3000 dollars per man. To every attempt of this kind,
the Dey replied, “ that not for two mil
“lions of dollars would be sell his Ame
rican slaves!” – In reply to an appli
cation, in the most confidential manner,
to one of the Dey's ministers, to know the terms which the Dey expected to extort from the United States (by keeping our citizens slaves) in the event of a treaty with them, it appears, that “it was a set“tled point with the Dey, from which he “could by no means swerve, that in the
“first place, for the privilege of passing the “streights of Gibraltar, two millions of “dollars would be required of the Ame“rican Government, and Tires the stipu“lations of the late treaty might be re
“newed (the old tributary treaty) after “paying up all arrears of tribute,” &c. &c.
The committee to whom has been referred the bill “ for the protection of the United States * against the Algerine cruizers,” with instrtic
...tions to enquire and report in detail the facts upon which the measure contemplated is predi.
cated, report—That in the month of July, 1812,
the Dey of Algiers, taking offence, or pretending
to take offence, at the quality and quantity of a shipment of military stores made by the United public vessels aforesaid, to subdue, seize, and make prize of all vessels, goods, and effects, of or belonging to the Dey of Algiers, or to his subjects, and to bring or send the same into port, to be proceeded against and distributed according to law ; and also, to cause to be done, all such other
States, in pursuance of the stipulation in the
stores, extorted from the American Consul Ge.
ricans in his power, a sum of money claimed as
the arrearages of Treaty stipulations, and denied
by the United States to be due; and then com.
pelled the Consul, and all citizens of the United
States at Algiers, abruptly to quit his dominions. }
25th of August following, the American brig
- Edwin of Salem, owned by Nathaniel Silsbee
of that place, while on a voyage from Malta to
and carried into Algiers as prize. The com.
mander of the brig, Captain George Camp-
and concealing her true American character.
it is respectfully submitted— |
WHEREAs, the Dey of Algiers, on the coast of Barbary, has commenced a predatory warfare against the United States— -
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That it shall be lawful fully to equip, officer, man and employ such of the armed vessels of the United States as may be judged requisite by the President of the United States, for protecting effectually the commerce and seamen thereof on the Atlantic ocean, the Mediterranean and adjoining seas.
Sect. 2. And be it further enacted, That it shall be lawful for the President of the United States to instruct the commanders of the respective
acts of precaution or hostility, as the state of war
will justify, and may in his opinion require. Sec. 3. And he it further enacted, That on the application of the owners of private armed vessels of the United States, the President of the United States may grant them special commissions, in the form which he shall direct under the seal of the United States; and such private armed vessels, when so commissioned, shall have the like anthority for subduing, seizing, taking, and bringing into port any Algerine vessels, goods or éf. fects, as the above-mentioned public armed vessels may by law have ; and shall therein be subject to the instructions which may be given by the President of the United States, for the regu. lation of their conduct, and their q9mmissions shall be revocable at his pleasure: Provided, That before any commission shall be granted as aforesaid, the owner or owners of the vessel for which the same may be requested, and the com. mander thereof for the time being, shall give bond to the United States, with at least two res. ponsible sureties, not interested in such vessels, in the penal sum of seven thousand dollars, or if such vessel be provided with more than one hun. dred and fifty men, in the penal sum of fourteen thousand dollars, with condition for observing the treaties and laws of the United States, and the instructions which may be given as aforesaid, and also for satisfying all damages and injuries which shall be done contrary to the tenor thereof, by such commissioned vessel, and for delivering up the commission when revoked by the President of the United States. Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That any Algerine vessel, goods or effects, which may be so captured and brought into port, by any private armed vessel of the United States, duly commis. sioned as aforesaid, may be adjudged good prize, and thereupon shall accrue to the owners, and efficers, and men of the capturing vessel, and shall be distributed according to the agreement which shall have been made between them; or, in failure of such agreement, according to the discretion of the court having cognizance of the capture.
There is one circumstance connected with this Algerine war, which I think worthy of particular notice; and that is, this regular government began, it appears, its depredations on the Americans, just as
these latter were entering upon war with US 1 some of our modest and honest gentlemen ; some of our most honourable men, have called America an assassin, because she made war against us, while we were at war with Napoleon. What will they say now of the venerable head of this African state 2 The same honourable worthies have said, that because America went to war with us, while we had to fight Napoleon, she was the slave of Napoleon. But I hope they will not apply this reasoning to the present war between America and Algiers: I fervently hope, that no one will pretend, that, because Algiers went to war with America while America had to fight us, Algiers was the slave of England l—As to the result of the war, I have no doubt, that the Dey will not have to rejoice much at the success of his undertaking. A dry blow instead of millions of dollars are likely to be his portion. As an Englishman, I must wish, that the Algerines may be beaten by those, who have, unfortunately, so often beaten my own countrymen.—The TIMEs newspaper has told us, that it is suspected, that the Algerine war is, with America, a PRETEXT for increasing her navy. Indeed, Doctor! and, in what civilian have you discovered, that America is restrained from augmenting her navy at her pleasure? What need has she of pretexts 2 I know, indeed, that, amongst your other follies, you did, during last summer, insist upon it, that, in making peace with America, she should, at last, be compelled to stipulate not to have any ships of war beyond a certain size and number. But, the stipulation. was not obtained; and now, instead of big menaces, you throw out your suspectings for the cogitations of the wise John Bull.—Away driveller and await a similar fate to your predictions as to the humiliations of France.
overtUREs of PEACE FROM THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON.
LETTER FROM M. cAULAIN court to viscount CASTLEREAGH, BATED PARIs, 4th APRIL, 1815, My Lord—The Emperor was anxious to express directly to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent time sentiments which inspire him, and to make known to him the high value which he places on the maintenance of the peace happily existing between the two countries. I am commanded in consequence, my Lord, to address to
you the annexed letter, and to beg your Excellency to present it to his Royal Highness—The first wish of the Emperor being, that the repose of Europe should remain inviolate, his Majesty has be n anxious to manifest this disposition to the Sovereigns who are still assembled at Vienna, aud to all other Sovereigns. I have, &c., ' (Signed) CAULAIN court, Duc de Vicence.
Letten from M. DE CAULAIN.court To vis
count CASTLeREAGH, DATED PARIs, APRIL
My Lord —The expectations which induced his Majesty the Emperor, my August Sovereign,
to submit to the greatest sacrifices, have not
Meen fulfilled: France has not received the price of the devotion of its Monarch: her hopes have been lamentably deceived. After some months -of-painful restraint, her sentiments, concealed with regret, have at length manifested themselves in an extraordinary manner: by an universal and spontaneous impulse, she has declared as her deliverer, the man, from whom alone she can expect the guarantee of her liberties and independence. The Emperor has appeared, the Royal Throne has fallen, and the Bourbon family have quitted our territory, without one drop of blood having been shed for their defence. Borne upon the arms of his people, his Majesty has traversed France, from the point of the coast at which he "at first touched the ground, as far as the centre of his capital, to that residence which is now again, às are all French hearts, filled with our dearest remembrances. No obstacles have delayed his Majesty's triumphal progress; from the instant of his re-landing upon French ground, he resumed the government of his empire. Scarcely does his first reign appear to have been for an instant interrupted. Every generous passion, every liberal thought, has rallied around him; never did any nation present a spactacle of more awful unani• mity. The report of this great event will have reached your Lordship. I am commanded to an: nounce it to you, in the name of the Emperor, and to request you will convey this declaration to the knowledge of his Majesty the King of Great Britain, your August Master. This Resto... ration of the Emperor to the Throne of France is rfor him the most brilliant of his triumphs. His Majesty prides himself above all, on the reflection, that he owes it entirely to the love of the French people, and he has no other wish than to
repay such affections no longer by the trophies of.
vain ambition, but by all the advantages of an honourable repose, and by all the blessings of a happy tranquillity. It is to the duration of peace that the Emperor looks forward for the accom
plishment of his noblest intentions. With a disTosition to respect the rights of other nations, his Majesty has the pleasing hope, that those of the French nation will remain inviolate. The maintenance of this precious deposit is the first, as it is the dearest of his duties. The quiet of the world is for a long time assured, if all the othrr Sovereigns are disposed, as his Majesty is, to make their honour consist in the preservation of peace, by placing peace under the safeguard of honour. Such are, my Lord, the sentiments with which his Majesty is sincerely animated, and which he has commanded me to make known to your Government. I have the honour, &c. (Signed) CaulAincount, luke of Vicence. His Excellency Lord Castlereagh, &c.
Letter from viscount oastleReagh to M. cAULAIN court, DATED, Downing-staeet, APRIL 8, 1815. SiR –I have been honoured with two letters from your excellency bearing date the 4th inst. from Paris, othe of them covering a letter addressed to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent. I am to acquaint your Excellency, that the Prince Regent has declined receiving the letter addressed by your Excellency to me, to Vienna, for the information and consideration of the Allied Sovereigns and Plenipotentiaries there assembled. I am, &c. CASTLeREAgh. VISCOUNT cASTLEREAGH TO THE EARL of cLancanty, dated Foreign office, 3ru APRIL, 1815. My Lorp—I herewith inclose a copy of an Overture this day received from M. de Caulaincourt, with the answer returned. You will communicate the same to the Allied Sovereigns and Plenipotentiaries at Vienna, for their information. I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) CASTLeREAgh. Earl of Clancarty, &c. The earl of clancarty to viscount castleReagh, DATED vien NA, MAY 6, 1815. My Lorn—Adverting to your Lordship's dispatch, No. 3, and to its several inclosures, conveying a proposal made by the existing Government in France, and your Lordship's answer thereto, I have the honour to acquaint you, for the information of his Majesty's Government, that at a conference held on the 3d inst. his Highness Prince Metternich acquainted us, that a M. de Strassant, who had been stopped on his way hither, at Lintz, from not having been furnished with proper passports, had addressed a letter to his Imperial Majesty, and therewith forwarded some unopened letters which the Emperor had directed him to unseal in the presence of the Plenipotentiaries of the Allied Powers. These proved to be a letter from Bonaparte, addressed to his Majesty, professing a desire to continue at nence, to observe the stipulations of the Treaty et Paris, &c. and a letter from M. de Canlain. court to Prince Metternich. containing similar professions. After reading these Papers, it was considered whether any, and what answer should be made thereto, when the general opiniou appeared to be, that none should be returned, and no notice whatever taken of the proposal. Upon this, as indeed upon all other occasions subse. quent to the resumption of anthority by Bonaparte, wherein the present state of the Continental Powers, with regard to France, has come under discussion, but one opinion has appeared to direct the Councils of the several Sovereigns. They adhere, and from the commencement have never ceased to adhere. to their Declaration of the 13th of March, with respect to the actual Ruler of France. They are in a state of hostility
wits him and his adherents, not from choice, but
so long panted. They are not even at war for
the greater or less portion of security which France can afford them of future tranquillity, but because France. nnder its present chief, is unable to afford them any security whatever. In this war, they do not desire to interfere with any Jegitimate right of the French people; they have no design to oppose the claim of that nation to choose their own form of Government, or intention to trench, in any respect, upon their independence as a great and free people: but they do think they have a right, and that of the highest nature, to contend against the re-estab
lishment of an individual as the head of the French Government, whose past conduct has invariably demonstrated, that in such a situation he will not suffer other nations to be at peace—whose restless ambition, whose thirst for foreign conquest, and whose disregard for the rights aijd independenre of other States, must expose the whole of Europe to renewed scenes of plunder and devastation. However general the feelings of the Sovereigns may be in favour of the restoration of the King, they no otherwise seek to influence the proceedings of the French in the choice of this or of any other dynasty, or form of Government, than may be essential to the safety and permanent tranquility of the rest of Europe: snch reasonable security being afforded by France in this respect, as other States have a legitimate right to claim in their own defence, their object will be satisfied; and they shall joyfully return to that state of peace, which will then, and then only, be open to them, and lay down those arms which they have only taken up for the purpose of acquiring that tranquillity so eagerly desired by them on the part of their respective Empires.-Such, my Lord, are the general sentiments of the Sovereigns and of their Ministers here assembled; and it should seem, that the glorious forbearance observed by them, when masters of the French capital in the early part of the last year, ought to prove to the French, that this is not a war against their freedom and independence, or excited by any spirit of aybition, or desire of conquest, but one arising out of necessity, urged on the principles of self-preservation, and fonuded on that legitimate and incontrovertible right of obtaining reasonable secnrity for their own tranquillity and independence—to which, if France has on her part a claim, other nations have an equal title to claim at the hands of France, I-1his day laid before the Plenipotentiaries of the Three Allied Powers in conference, the Note proposed to be delivered upon the exchange of the ratifications of the Treaty of the 25th March. After the opinions which I have detailed as those with which the Allied Sovereigns are impressed, with respect to the object of the war, it is scarcely necessary for me to add, that the explanation afforded in this Note, as the construction put by his Royal Highness the Prince Regent on the eighth article of that Treaty, was favourably received. Immediate instructions will consequently be issued to the Ambassadors of the Imperial Courts of
Austria and Russia, and to the Minister of his
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