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such tribes or nations shall agree to desist from all hostilities against his Britannic Majesty, and his subjects, upon the ratification of the present treaty being notified to such tribes or nations, and shall so desist accordingly.

Art. 10. Whereas the traffic in slaves is irre

to the agents of the United States, who may be respectively appointed and authorised to manage the business on behalf of their respective governments. The said Commissioners shall be respectively paid in such manner as shall be agreed between the two contracting parties, such agreement being to be settled at the time of the exchange of the ratifi-concileable with the principles of humanity and cations of this treaty. And all other expenses a justice, and whereas both his Majesty and the tending the said Commissioners shall be defrayed United States are desirous of continuing their efequally by the two parties. And in case of death, forts to promote its entire abolition, it is hereby sickness, resignatiou, or necessary absence, the agreed that both the contracting parties shall use place of every such Commissioner respectively their best endeavours to accomplish so desirable shall be supplied in the same manner as such Coman object. missioner was appointed, and the new Commissioner shall take the same oath or affirmation, and do the same duties. It is further agreed between the two contracting parties, that in case any of the islands mentioned in any of the preceding articles, which were in the possession of one of the parties

prior to the commencement of the present war between the two countries, should, by the decision of any of the Boards of Commissioners aforesaid, or of the sovereign or state so referred to, as in the four next preceding articles contained, fall within the dominions of the other party, all grants of land inade previous to the commencement of the war, by the party having had such possession, shall be as valid as if such island or islands, had by such decision or decisions, been adjudged to be within the dominions of the party having had such possession.

Art. 11. This treaty, when the same shall have been ratified on both sides, without alteration

by either of the contracting parties, and the rati-
fications mutually exchanged, shall be binding
on both parties; and the ratififications shall,
months from this day, or sooner if practicable.
be exchanged at Washington, in the space of four

In faith whereof, we the respective Plenipoten tiaries have signed this treaty, and have thereunto

affixed our seals.

Done in triplicate, at Ghent, the 24th day of
December, 1814.

(L. S.) GAMBIER, (L. S.) HENRY GOULBURN. (L. S.) WILLIAM ADAMS, (L. S.) JOHN QUINCY ADAMU, (L. S.) J. A. Bayard, H. Clay, (L. S.) Jona. Russall, (L. S) ALBERT GALLATIN.

Now, therefore, to the end that the said Art. 9. The United States of America engage served, with good faith on the part of treaty of peace and amity may be obto put an end immediately after the ratification of the United States, 1, James Madison, the present treaty to hostilities with all the tribes president as aforesaid, have caused the or nations of Indians, with whom they may be premises to be made public; and I do at war at the time of such ratification; and forth hereby enjoin all persons bearing office, with to restore to such tribes or nations, respectively, civil or military, within the United States, all the possessions, rights and privileges, which and all others, cititens or inhabitants they may have enjoyed or been entitled to in 1811, thereof, or being within the same, faithprevious to such hostilities; provided always, that fully to observe and fulfil the said treaty, such tribes or nations shall agree to desist from and every clause and article thereof.-In all hostilities, against the United States of Ame- testimony whereof, I have caused the rica, their citizens and subjects, upon the ratifi-seal of the United States to be affixed cation of the present treaty being notified to such tribes or nations, and shall so desist accordingly. And his Britannic Majesty engages, on his part, to put an end immediately after the ratification of the present treaty, to hostilities with all the tribes or nations of Indians] with whom he may be at war at the time of such ratification, and forthwith to restore to such tribes or nations, respectively, all the possessions, rights, and privileges, which they may have enjoyed or been entitled to, in 1811, previous to such hostilities; provided always, that

to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. Done at the City_of Washington, this eighteenth day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifteen, and of the sovereignty and independence of the United States the thirty-ninth.

JAMES MADISON,

By the President,
JAMES MUNRO, Acting Secretary of State.

Printed and Published by G. HoUSTON: No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to
Editor are requested to be forwarded.

VOL. XXVII. No. 13.] LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 1, 1815.

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PEACE PEACE!

To LORD CASTLEREAGH. MY LORD,

The grand event, which has just taken place in France, and which is so well calculated to convince all mankind of the folly as well, as the injustice, of using foreign force for the purpose of dictating to a great nation who they shall have for their rulers, or what shall be the form of their Government; this grand event, instead of producing such conviction in the minds of those persons connected with the London Newspapers, Magazines and Reviews, who are called Cossack writers; so far from producing such conviction in their minds, this grand event seems to have made them more eager than ever for interference in the domestic affairs of France; and, while the cries of our countrymen at New Orleans are yet vibrating on our ears, these men are endeavouring to urge you and yourcolleagues on to the sending of thou sands upon thousands more of our men, and to expend hundreds of millions more of our money, in order to overset a Government which the French nation love, and to compel them to submit to one which they hate, or, at least, despise, from the bottom of their hearts, and with au unanimity absolutely unparalleled.

My Lord, if my advice had been followed, we should have had no American War; the 20 or 30,000 men and the 50 or 60 millions of money, which that unfortunate war has cost us, and which have only, as it turns out, created an American Navy, and exalted the Republic amongst the nations of the world, would all have been saved. The literary Cossacks of London, were, I verily believe, the chief cause of that war. They urged you and your colleagues on to the destruction of the American FORM OF GOVERNMENT. Napoleon being, as they thought, down, never to rise again, they urged you to make war, till you had

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put down James Madison, and “ DELIVERED THE WORLD of the existence of that EXAMPLE of the success of DEMOCRATIC REBELLION.” “No peace with Madison," was their cry. Kill! kill! keep killing, till he is put down, in like manner as Napoleon is put down! This was their incessant cry. And, in a short time after Napoleon was exiled to the Isle of Elba, these literary Cossacks published a paragraph, which they inserted in the report of the debates in the House of Commons, as the report of the speech of SIR JOSEPH YORKE, then and now one of the Lords of the Admi ralty, in the following words; to wit.

SIR J. YORKE observed, that although "one great enemy of this country, Bona"parte, had been deposed, there was "another gentleman whose DEPOSITI"ON was also necessary to our interest;" "he meant Mr. President Madison; "and with a view to THAT DEPOSI

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TION, a considerable naval force must "be kept up, especially in the Atlantic. "But as to his honorable friend's opinion respecting the reduction of the Navy, he wished it to be considere "that a number of shipping were em"ployed in conveying French prisoners "to France, and bringing home our own

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countrymen. So much for the necupation of our navy on the home stati-But from the Mediterranean for in"stance, several three deckers were or"dered home, and he could swear that no practical exertion would be remitted "to reduce the expence of our Naval Department."

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With what shame! with what sorrow, would these writers, if they had not lost all sense of shame, and all feeling for their country, now look back on their conduct at the time to which I am referring! Instead, however, of feeling shame for that conduct, they are now acting the same part over again; they are now reviving all their old calumnies against the Emperor Napoleon; they are abusing the French army and the French people; they are bestowing on them appellations almost

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too infamous to be repeated; and they are calling upon you and your colleagues to make a war of extermination upon the people, unless they will receive and adop the ruler and the Government appointed, or pointed out, by England. These men called Mr. Madison a TRAITOR and REBEL; and they are now calling Na poleon a TRAITOR and a REBEL. They called the Americans slaves, villains, thieves; and these appellations with many others, not excepting cowards, they are now bestowing on the French people. They now see that you and your colleagues have found it necessary ot make a treaty of peace and amity with Mr. Madison, whom they called a traitor and a rebel; but, these men are of that description of fools to whom experience cannot teach wisdom, and they are now repeating their cry, no peace with Napoleon: no peace till the Bourbons are again on the throne of France; war with the French until they adopt a ruler in whom we have confidence.

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[pentine River, the crawling worshippers of Whiskers and of Jack-boots: I am aware, my Lord, how difficult it must be f these persons, comprising no very sm part of those who call themselves i UPPER ORDERS, now to look each other in the face. I am well aware of the fire that must burn in their bosoms, and I pity them accordingly. I am aware, too, of the situation of those public men, who, since the exile of Napoleon, have expressed "their sorrow, that those great "statesmen, Burke, Pitt, and Perceval, were not alive to witness, and to participate in the general joy at the triumph of their principles." I am aware of the situation of those (amongst whom is the Chancellor of the Exchequer) who have so recently eulogized the Income, or Property Tax, upon the ground of the complete triumph which it had enabled us to obtain over Napoleon, and of the fair prospect which it had given us of a long and prosperous peace. I am, above all, aware of the feelings of yourThere is something so unjust in this self, my Lord, who have acted so high a proposition: something so savage in the part in the exiling of Napoleon, who very idea of making war for such a pur- have been so loudly cheered on that ar pose: something so arrogant, so impu- count; who, after detailing the end dent, so insolent, that, were it not for views and proceedings of the different the impotence of the persons who make it, powers at the Congress of Vienna, toių it could not fail to fill every Frenchman's the House of Conimons, on MQNDAY, breast with indignation inexpressible. the 29th of this ronth of March, that Nevertheless, having seen the effect of our great, and enormous sacrifices had the writings of these men as to the Ame-purchased a fair prospect of happy tranrican War; having seen how completely they succeeded in causing the people of England to believe, that it was just and wise to make war for the purpose of deposing MR. MADISON, there is reason to fear, that their present labours will not be wholly ineffectual: that, indeed, it is possible, that they may again succeed in their mischievous objects: and, therefore, I shall endeavour to shew, that the war, which they recommend, would be unjust and hateful in its objects, and, in its consequences, likely to be fatal to our country,

quillity for us and for Europe, for twenty years to come: and who learnt, on the NEXT WEDNESDAY, that Napoleonwas again at the head of the French nation, Louis le Desire, having already reached Abbeville on his way out of France! I am well aware of the existence and of the powerful effect of all these feelings: but, still I do not abandon the hope, that the disappointment, the mor tification, the shame, the blind rage of the herd of Napoleon's haters will not be able to induce you and your colleagues to listen to the dictates of passion instead of those of reason, and to plunge your country into a new and fatal war.

I am aware, my Lord, of the mortification which is now felt in England: 1 am aware of the acuteness of the sting: There are too objects very distinct, for I see how difficult it must be for the re- which the literary Cossacks are calling joicers of April last, the wearers of lau- for war; the first is, to put down and rel and white cockades, the roasters of destroy Napoleon and to compel the oxen, the saluters (female as well as French people to submit to the Bourmale) of Old Buch and the "Gallant bous: the second is, to secure Belgium to Kings," the Temple in the new king of the Netherlands, who, of the Ser only on the 16th of this present month,

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took upon himself, formally, the sovereignty of the Belgian provinces. I am against war for either of these objects. I think, that, for neither of them, nor for both together, we ought to go to war; and, I now proceed to state the reasons upon which that opinion is founded.

they opposed him. This step enraged the people; they soon after put the king and queen to death. They marched against the Duke of Brunswick and hisGermans; beat them, and began that series of conquests, which have made France so famous and so much feared in the world. It is well known, that divers changes in the internal government of France had taken place previously to the time when Napoleon was proclaimed Emperor of that country. It is also well known, that he was exiled in April 1814; and, that, while the Capital of France was occupied by an army of Austrians, Prussians and Russians, subsidized by us, the eldest brother of the late king of France was brought to Paris from England, put upon the throne, and made ruler of

the French expected us to be the first people on earth to congratulate them on their newly-acquired freedom, and the very last in the world to find fault with them for over-stepping the real bounds of liberty. They soon found their mistake; for, Mr. Burke, whose profound wisdom the Chancellor of the Exchequer has, within a few weeks, so highly extolled, attacked the French people, in speeches in Parliament and in pamphlets, so early as 1791, two years before the king was put to death. Mr. Burke called upon England and all other powers of Europe to make war upon the French people; and, Mr. Burke, soon after this, had a pension granted him of 3,000 pounds sterling a year.

As to the first of these proposed objects of war, the case is this. For more than a century, the French people had been objects of contempt with the people of England, because the former patiently submitted to arbitrary and oppressive government, ecclesiastical as well as civil. I appeal, not to our songs and theatrical pieces (though no bad criterion), nor to our paintings and prints; but, to the most approved historical, political, and moral writings in our language, and to the speeches in both Houses of Parlia-France instead of Napoleon. ment. I appeal to these for proof of Now, then, my lord, let us take a view the fact; that, up to the year 1789, the of our conduct, through this series of English nation held the French nation in years, as far as relates to the internal contempt on account of their patient sub-government of France. At the out-set, mission, to an arbitrary king, who could imprison or exile any of them at pleasure, and to a cormorant priesthood, who, in a great degree, devoured the fruit of men's labour. In short, it is notorious, that, previous to the year 1789, Frenchman | and Slave and even Coward were, in the minds of Englishmen, almost synonymous terms. In 1789, the French nation began to make a change, or revolution, in their Government, and expressed their determination to have perfect freedom. Between the beginning of this year and the summer of 1791, many schemes of Government were proposed: and, at last, one was agreed on and formally accepted by the king. But, in spite of the king's acceptance, his BROTHERS, Louis le Desire, and the Comte d'Artois, together with the other Princes of the family,went out of France, and, from places on the borders of that kingdom, issued their protests against the King's acceptance of the Constitution. In these protests they declared their resolution to overset the constitution by force of arms if they could, and if force should be necessary. At length, in 1792, the Emperor of Germany and the King of Prussia marched an army into France, under the late Duke of Brunswick, who issued a proclamation, stating it to be his intention to" restore "the King of France to his legitimate "power," and threatening to inflict on the people the most terrible punishments if

When France was invaded in 1792, and a great emigration took place from that country, the emigrant nobles and priests were received in no country with so much kindness as in England; and, it is notorious, that we paid them pensions from that time to the time of their death, for their return last year. It is equally notorious, that we have employed many of these emigrants, as officers, or soldiers, in our wars against France.

When we began our first war,in 1793,we professed to have no desire to interfere in the internal government of France. We complained of her disorganizing principles, which, we said, threatened the overthrow of all regular governments;

and, that, therefore, our war against her was a war of self-defence. Of late years, our tone has been wholly changed. We no longer talk of the disorganizing principles of the French. On the contrary, we have, of late years, represented them as living under a most horrible despotism. We have been constantly talking of the iron sceptre of Napoleon, and pitying the poor wretches who lived under it. It was not against the French people, we said, that we were making war: but against the "tyrant," as we called him, who had loaded them with chains, and to free the poor creatures from which chains was one of the benign objects for which we and our allies, the Russians and Germans marched into France.

people of France, whom we represent as suffering all sorts of oppression under him: We represent the conscripts dragged in chains to his armies; we represent the land as become fruitless for the want of tillage; we represent the disconsolate fathers and mothers rending the skies with execration on the murderer of their beloved children; we represent the country as being full of Bastiles and these filled with prisoners like the dungeons of the Inquisition. These representations the far greater part of the people of England really believe; and they rejoice at his fall and his exile. Well, le voilà exilé! It is done. He is exiled. The Bourbons are restored. We are immediately told, that all France is happy; that How stands the case, then? Up to the the government of Louis le Desiré is a year 1788 inclusive we despise the peo-"paternal" government; that law, religi ple of France, because they are slaves, under the reign of the Bourbons. When they throw off the authority of the Bourbons, we call them anarchists and rebels. When they choose an Emperor, we again call them slaves and when we succeed at last by the aid of an immense ariny of Russians and Germans, in put-power of that vast and popolous country ting the Bourbons on the throne again, in their hands; and, at the end of the year we say, that we have restored them to Napoleon lands with eleven hundred men, liberty. Now, my Lord, if I were to the people flock around him in every di grant this latter assertion to be true, Irection, he proceeds along the great road should not be less disposed to object to a war for the second restoration of the Bourbons: because the French people themselves are the best judges of the sort of ruler that they shall have, and because it is now impossible to deny, that their choice is in favour of Napoleon.

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on, liberty and happiness are restored to a people, so long oppressed. The Bourbons have the government in their hands for a year; they pass laws, make a new constitution, grant rewards, appoint officers,› reorganize the army, garrison all the towns, have all the treasure and all the

500 miles from Cannes to Paris, and though proclamations, decrees and orders, and promises of inmense rewards are poured forth against his life, not a single man does all France contain to hold up' a hand against him! and, amidst the acclamations of millions, he comes, without a sword to protect him, to resume kis authority! Ah! my Lord, feel as we will; say what we will, this is the grandest, the most magnificent spectacle, that ever presented itself for the contempla

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If, indeed, Napoleon had landed with a numerous army: if, by any extraordinary means, a considerable army had been prepared to join him on his landing if there had existed an insurrection of the human mind. tion in the country previous to, or on Of all the triumphs that TRUTH ever his landing in either of these cases, obtained, this is the most signal. there might have been doubt with eleven years almost all the presses of regard to the free sentiments of the peo- England, and, indeed, of the greater part ple; but, the country is perfectly quiet; of Europe; half the presses of America; no rising, no disturbances, any where; the makers of harangues; the political the whole country is in the hands of preachers, were at work to cause it to Louis's officers, civil and military; and be believed, that Napoleon was the cruelNapoleon lands and rides on to the Capi- est tyrant that ever blackened the page tal, not only without an army, but in as of history; and, since his fall, the calumdefenceless a condition as if he had beennies which have been poured out on him a private gentleman coming home to his estate. For eleven long years we repre sent him as hated and detested by the

by the presses and the speechmakers of England, Germany, and France, exceed, perhaps, all that were ever uttered before

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