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to them were adopted. The Queen resolved to adhere to the engagements of the late King, and to prosecute, with vigour, a war undertaken to repress the ambition of France. This resolution was extremely agreeable to the nation. An alarm for the Protestant religion, together with a national antipathy to France, rendered the English, in general, impatient for controlling the extension of her power over the monarchy of Spain, and the merchants and manufacturers were no less cordial in approving of the resolutions of the court, from a jealousy of losing one of the most lucrative branches of their commerce, should that kingdom fall under the dominion of the House of Bourbon.

“ The concurrence,” says the author, " of so many interests, in favour of war, overruled a disposition naturally mild and peaceable, and rendered her Majesty favourable to that system of policy which was bequeathed by a predeceffor, to whose sentiments me was, in other points, but little partial. It can hardly be fupposed that the Queen was ever cordially reconciled to the idea of excluding her own family from the throne; but she treinbled at the apprehension of her own premature and violent degradation, which was associated with her brother's success, under the auspices of the French King. Nor, in judging of her conduct, would it be fair to exclude the influence of more honourable and conscientious motives. To the Protestant interest she was fervently devoted, and if she ever indulged any wish for devolving the succession upon her natural heir, the certainly meant to accomplish it under such restrictions as the deemed ample securities for her favourite religion. But, to obtain them, it was necessary that her brother should renounce the councils, and be separated from the alliance, of a Prince, whose intrigues were no less formidable to the religion than to the independence of England.”

But the influence of the Earl and Countess of Marlborough was one of the most powerful causes which determined the Queen to embrace the confederacy. As these personages occupy so important a part of the history of Queen Anne, the author gives an account of the source of their influence, and its state at the commencement of her reign :

“Of all the causes which conspired to attach the Queen to the confederacy, none had a more powerful fway than the advice of Lord and Lady Churchill, who maintained an unrivalled ascendancy over her affections and conduct. In all the domestic quarrels in which the Royal family had been embroiled during the preceding reign, Lord Churchill warmly espoused the intereit of the Princess, and facrificed imrnediate preferment to the prospect of ample compensation from her future patronage. He was now about to enter upon the harvest of his pes, when the juncture of events extended them beyond tho Himoit stretch of his early speculations. While the approach of a

continental

continental war multiplied the channels of Royal munificence, his infinuating address, his capacity for negociation, his matchless talents as a General, ensured a pre-eminence, to which he never could have ascended during the period of public tranquillity. Although Lord Churchill began his political career as a partizan of the Tories, yet the incidents of fortune, and a sympathy in disappointments, had often, during the late reign, induced him to concur with the measures of the Whigs, and to avail himself of their protection. At the accession of the Queen he stood on that ambiguous ground which encouraged both the contending parties to entertain hopes of appropriating to themselves the decided advantage arising from his influence with the court. While his first connections, and the prejudices of the Sovereign, avowed by her preferring the Tories in the new arrangements, inspired them with the assured confidence of engroifing the patronage of her favourite, the alliances which he had contracted with some of the principal families of the Whigs, the declared attachment of his lady to their principles, and, above all, the complexion of political measures, removed the dread of their being doomed to a complete and lasting proscription.”

The Earl of Rochester strenuously opposed the resolution taken by the Privy Council for committing England as a principal in the continental war, but being supported by a few of his friends in this opinion, his opposition only proved the occasion of dividing them, and gradually paved the way for the returning credit and influence of the Whigs.

The Earl of Marlborough was appointed Captain General, and was sent, as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, to the Hague, to give her Majesty's fanction to the alliance concluded by King William, and to concert measures for opening the campaign. The import of the Earl's instructions, and the address and prudence with which he discharged his commission, re-animated the drooping spirits of that party in Holland, which had always abetted the schemes of King William, and seasonably counteracted the insidious artifices now employed by Barré, the French resident at the Hague, for distracting their councils, and alienating them from the friendship of England. A convention was held at the Hague on the 3iit of March, 1702, in conformity to the terms of the grand alliance, when it was settled that war should be declared against France, on the same day, by the Queen of England, the Emperor, and the States.

Although the series of public measures, hitherto pursued, were confonant to the political system of King William, yet fome incidents occurred which wounded the feelings of those who cherished a veneration for his character, and, at the same time, brought a stain upon the honour of the English nation, Q 94

The

The popular joy, upon the Queen's accession, was accompanied with expressions of contempt and insult towards the memory of her predeceffor. Publications were circulated, tending to the reproach of his government, and to the disparagement of those principles which formed the basis of the revolution. While such indignities did not meet with that rebuke and chastisement which they were thought by the Whigs to require, the court appeared to them remiss in those testimonies of esteem and gratitude which they deemed due to the rank and character of one whom they considered as the illustrious inftrue ment of national deliverance. Although King William was not addicted to personal extravagance, yet the discharge of confiderable arrears, arising from the currentexpences of his household, devolved upon the voluntary justice of his successor. With this new court many

of his creditors remained clamorous and unsatisfied. As if it had been to apologize for the indifference with which the Queen tolerated these violations of decorum, the probity of her relation was arraigned ; and it was confidently asserted, by persons connected with the court, that he had formed a plan to bereave her of the succeflion, by transferring it, immediately after his own demise, to the Elector of Hanover. The House of Lords, with a laudable zeal for vindicating the honour of King William, appointed a committee to starch his repositories ; and it having appeared from their report that the allegation was destitute of any shadow of proof, it was voted false and villainous; and her Majesty was requested to give directions for prosecuting the authors and publishers of it. The Parliament was prorogued on the 25th of May, and dissolved a few weeks before its expiration, on the 2d of July.

The several declarations of war published by the courts of Vienna, England, and the States, were founded upon the French King's breach of faith, and their indispensible obligations, arising from former treaties, and from their common interest, to join their force for preserving the balance of power in Europe, endangered by his ufurpation of the Spanish monarchy. The acknowledgement of the right of the son of James to the crown of England was specified in the English declaration as a gross indignity, on the part of Louis, to the Queen and the nation.

The Emperor complained of wrongs deeply affecting the interest of all the branches of his family. The dominions of Spain, the just inheritance of the Archduke Charles, had. been seized in violation of the most solemn treaties; and those countries in Italy, which were the patrimonial right of the archducal family, and the fiefs of the Emperor, had been invaded by the armies of France. Nor were even his German

territories

territories secure against the all-grasping ambition of Louis, who had provided Magazines, and erected forts, in Cologne and Liege, which he fille i with his own troops.

The manifesto of the States represented, that their destruction had been destined by the French King, from the moment of his assuming the reins of government; that he had made repeated attempts for carrying it into execution, by the invasion of their country ; that he never had relinquished this design, as appeared from his having violated all those articles of the treaty of Ryswick, by which their security was pro-, vided for ; that, by ditlodging the Dutch troops from the garrisons of the Netherlands, and supplying their place with his own, the States were deprived of a safe barrier, which they had purchased by two bloody and expensive wars; that the French King exercised absolute authority in the Netherlands, and was stretching his power to a degree inconsistent with the independence of surrounding states; that, not satisfied with the enlargement of his territorial empire, he was taking steps for engrossing the commerce of Europe, by seizing all the harbours of Spain, Naples, Sicily, the Mediterranean islands, and all the Spanish Indies, encroachments ruinous to the trade, the opulence, and the political existence of the United States.

Having exhibited general and special reasons which induced the several members of the combination against France to enter into the grand alliance, he proceeds to a statement of the strength of the contending parties at the commencement of the contest, gives a concise, but accurate, account of the operations of Marlborough's first campaign, and of the naval operations of England ; and a brief sketch of the conduct and progress of Prince Eugene, and inferior imperial leaders. Having conducted the armies and fleets to winter quarters, he proceeds to internal politics,

(To be continued.)

Art. II. Discourses of the Hon. and Rev. William Bromley

Cadogan, A. M. late Rector of St. Luke's, Chelsea ; Vicar
of St. Giles's, Reading; and Chaplain to the Right Hon.
Lord Cadogan. To which are now added, short Observa-
tions on the Lord's Prayer, and Letters to several of his
Friends. The Whole collected into one Volume, with Memoirs
of his Lif. By Richard Cecil, A. M. Minister of St.
John's Chapel, Bedford Row. 8vo. Pp. 570. Price
7. Rivingtons, London, 1798.
OME minifters in this kingdom have, for many years,
arrogated to themselves the peculiar title of GOSPEL

PREACHERS,

SOME

PREACHERS, as characteristic of the amazing efficacy of their doctrines to procure salvation for their followers. These teachers pride themselves as being the only true members of the Church of England, who adopt the faith contained in her articles and her homilies, or conscientiously read the Book of Common Prayer, as by law established. To prove these assertions, we extract the subsequent passage from this publication, relative to the late Rev. WILLIAM ROMAINE, Rector of St. Andrew, Wardrobe, and St. Ann, Blackfriars :

" When he first began, the number of those who PREACHED THE Gospel, and CHURCHES open to them, were few indeed ; it might consist of Units, it increased afterwards to tens, and then to hun. dreds, and, before he died, he had a list of above FIVE HUNDRED BRETHREN AT ONCE,* for whom he could pray as FELLOW LABOURERS with himself, in the word and in doctrine. He constantly remembered them in his prayers, and set apart one day in the week, which he called his Litany-day, and which, I believe, was generally Friday, when he mentioned them every one by name before the throne of

grace.

The CHURCH OF ENGLAND, then, has lost a great FRIEND, a steady and a praying friend, in Mr. Romaine ; and you will do well to try your best to make amends for his loss, and to fellow his faith in this particular. The prayer of faith availeth, and, waiting, as well as praying, faith did wonders for this excellent man; he lived to see MANY Doorst opened to him, which were SHut against him ; and was not only himself ftablished, strengthened, feuiled, after he had suffered for a while, but placed in a most respect. abie situation, as Rector of this parish, in which he has discharged his duty with great fidelity and usefulness, and, his work being ended, is gone out of the world with as much credit as ever man lett it, to give an account of himself unto God."

This charge is precise, decisire, and clear. It is made by the leaders of these schismatics. It was written by Mr. Cadogan, delivered by him before the society, and is now printed under the sanction of Mr. Cecil's name, and with his concurrence.

It is unequivocally stated, that the general body of the Clergy do not preach the gospel, and that they are not true members of the Church of England. We have long been acquainted with these circumstances, and have often heard similar assertions, and continual insinuations, to this purport, from the pulpits where Cecil, Newton, Forster, Gunn, and Goode, have spoken. But now, “ Litera scripta manet," they have publicly brought forward this beinous accusation,

Blasphemy, since alluding to the witnesses of our Saviour's Refurrection. + Church doors.---REVIEWER,

and

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