To the Right Honourable the Lords Spi- | Aristides' statement is incorrect.—It is ritual and Temporal of the United not, however, of much consequence wheKingdom of Great Britain and Ire-ther his letter contain sentiments which land, in Parliament assembled.

have been delivered before, or not; but whether those sentiments be right or wrong, of which neither Aristides, myself, or any body else, can determine any further than our own several opinions

But Aristides is not willing to allow any body the credit of writing their true sentiments. He charges them with vieing with each other which shall best elude

the true state of the case;" or, in other words, which can deceive the public most. Is not this illiberal; very illiberal? Perhaps it was a slip of the pen while his indignation rose against Landlords and Farmers, who are now amassing so much wealth. I hope, whatever I write, he will at least allow me to be sincere when I say, that all our dear bread derived its sourde from WAR, the cause of all our TAXES; and now War has ceased,Taxátion must cease also, or ruin and the fear of a jail will drive numbers of people to some land where they can work without a tax-gatherer taking the greatest part of their property, and where they can farm without being obliged to relinquish a tenth of their produce.-Aristides states, that he has found one who has hinted at "the real cause of the evil." He says,

That your Petitioners, seeing, in other Quarters, political Corruption and private Rapacity so firmly and resolutely leagued against them, fly with Confidence for Protection to your Lordships, and appeal to your Noble-Mindedness, your Justice, your Humanity, against the Machinations and Violence of this unfeeling, this merciless League. Your Petitioners, therefore, humbly" since this person's lease has expired, his pray, that your Lordships will reject any Proposition that may be made to you to entertain any Bill, or other Measure, tending to diminish, or restrain the Importation of Corn.

&c.

And your Petitioners shall ever pray,

CHEAP CORN.

|

landlord has doubled his rent:" but he has not told us when this lease was granted; whether in the cheap or in the dear times, or why the landlord thought of doubling the rent. He has also forgotten to state the comparison of the quantum of taxes paid, and housekeeping expenses, &c. in the year the lease was granted, and that in which it expired. These particulars are certainly very maMr. COBRETT. In perusing your va- terial to be known, as a criterion to enaluable Register last week, I saw in it a ble us to judge whether the landlord letter entitled " Cheap Corn," which, wanted a double income or not. Aniswith your permission, I would offer a few tides lays great sss on manylittle farmas remarks on, and put a few queries to the being consolidated into one. This is not writer, Aristides. He begins with stating, so general as he states, although it will that he "sets his face against all that has be more so soon; for now that a prison "been said or written on the subject." stares the little farmer in the face, and But if he were to ask Mr. Whitbread, if has stared some of them out of countehe had ever made, at a public meeting, nance, as any one may see by looking similar declarations as to the manner of over his own parish, and observing the farmers' living, I believe he would an- increase of paupers caused by an influx swer in the affirmative. If he were to of labourers, the consequence of oppres ask Mr. Hunt, if he had ever spoken sive taxation. So far Aristides' statement against high rems, he would give the is true, when he says, that "they are same answer. Now, Sir, if this be true," either working as day labourers, or

gone out of the kingdom;" but, reader, beef," ccntinues the writer, " gives forget not the reason; they are taxed" Iway to modern delicacy." This also out of it. is true; but the reason, Sir, is, because their own mutton and pork is cheaper After all, Mr. CоBBETT, why to them. does Aristides envy the farmers? Does he think they live in luxury? Does he think they get too rich? If he does, let him try; let him take a farm at 41. per acre; let him pay 31. per acre in taxes; after he has tilled and sown the ground with all possible care, let him get fifteen bushels of blighted wheat per acre; let him pay like an honest man the tenth of all he has laid out on it to the church; let him make 6is. the bushel of the remainder, and then he will know and taste the sweets of farming; then, he may sport his "military-cut upper-coat of superfine, lined with silk," and his Wellingtonian boots; and then, instead of keeping his curricle, he had better march along with that illustrious personage, the next time he goes to fight for the re-establishment of the Pope and the Inquisition, than attempt to raise another year's rent and taxes.

Aristides is not content with the farmers' mode of living; he calls upon the reader to enter a farm-house, and tells him, he will "no longer find the farmer's daughters, Madge and Molly, (for such "he will have their names) feeding hogs, fetching or milking cows, churning butter, or making cheese;" but will find them in the back parlour, drawing or at music, or preparing for a county ball. But, reader, be not content with stepping into one; go into nine, and see if idleness is the order of the day; see if they are not attempting to earn their livelihood by making cheese, or perform ing some other duties. But, mark me, do not come from town to do this, when have taken a fashionable breakfast you at ten o'clock, and then, after a ride of twenty miles, expect to find them churning their butter. No, no, they will have half finished before you get from your beds; they will be in their back parlour, if they have one, mending their garments, or recreating themselves by some agreeable and pleasant amusement, perhaps at music, perhaps at drawing, or perhaps embroidering. Allow me to ask Aristides, what harm there is in farmers' daughters amusing themselves in this way, provided they do not neglect their business? Does it follow of course, then that they cannot make pie, pudding, or dumplin, because they learn music? Or because they sometimes sit in their back parlour, must they neglect going into the dairy?

66

Aristides pities the poor; so do I. He wonders why they should be made to eat dear bread; so do I. He says bread ought to be cheap; so do I. But, instead of envying the supposed riches of the farmer, I would pray Parliament to take off the taxes; to do away the support of a vile system of corruption, so as to enable the landlords to lower their rents, and the tenant his corn. I would pray that we might be relieved of tythes, that curse to agriculture, which supports a set of men, a tenth of whom are scarcely But the "old mare (what a grievance!) worth any thing but to roar out Church "is discarded.” It is true; for those" and State;" a system which every agriwho kept her only, have found it neces-culturist ought to set his hands against; sary, by the late increase of assessed and by doing which they would prove taxes, to make shift without her, and are their patriotism, their sincerity for naextent to walk.---But why may not far- tional improvement more than the supmer, beve the privilegs getting money port of wars, or of agricultural societies. enough to enable them to ride a good ng, a well as a tradesman? As for their curricles, gigs, and chaises," is there one in fifty, or even in a hundred, that keep any of them? I shall pass over the young gentleman, his "hobnails "end smock frock, and carter's whip,' although I consider there is a medium between this and the other dress which Aristides describes; and would wish to know, why a farmer may not be a gen"The ox's cheek, and leg of

tleman.

Aristides-it behoves you, as an active citizen, to give a proof of your sincerity in wishing bread cheaper, and the people happier, by helping to promote such a petition, and if yours and our prayer is heard, and the taxes and tythes taken off, then we shall have bread cheap; then we shall be content and happy: that will be the period, and not till that period arrives. I am, &c.

A FRIEND TO SINCERITY, Lertford, March 3, 1815.

CORN LAWS.

per quarter was possible. Now Sir, I presume that no comment is necessary, MR. COBBETT.-Having from the and that I need only add that whoever commencement of the present and pre- thinks this gentleman did wrong in this ceding discussions upon the proposed instance, or in giving similar informaalterations of the Corn Laws, in behalf tion to all his foreign correspondents, or both of agriculture and the grower, that gentlemen in this profession collecgiven the most constant attention to the tively in giving such information to all argument whereby they have been sup- their respective foreign connexions are ported, and also to those which have been censurable, is ignorant of the regular opposed to them, permit me through practice and interests of commercial the medium of your invaluable Journal, trade, and of what constitutes credit to make a few remarks upon the same. and respectability in the contracting of it. From the occasional conversation with I have no hesitation in adding that every the farmer and grower of corn, I frankly regular factor of foreign grain must have confess myself to be one of those who remitted such information to each of have been persuaded that a very consi- their respectable correspondents, by the derable and valuable body of men among earliest opportunities after the expected the farming tenantry, require the protec- rise, probably by the succeeding post. tion stated to be sought in their behalf; I cannot however pass from the subject and as far as my observation has ex- of importation, (which will doubtless betended, I am also fully satisfied that come very considerable to the port of the class of agricultural labourers, col- this metropolis) without noticing, though lectively and distinctively as a body, re- with great deference to your superior quire consideration and legislative assist-judgement, that I do not think in con ance. Presuming therefore, that these nexion with a durable peace that the statements are facts; I must conclude proposed measure will have quite the that they ought to be duly weighed, and effect in raising the price of the London generously appreciated in connexion with quartern loaf, which has been supposed; ail remonstrances against any measures certainly not for a permanency. If the that are proposed professedly to obtain price should pass 13d. I must attribute a fair and proper amelioration, which I it to the alarm which these obnoxious conclude the present measures, precipi measures have excited. This remark tating through the houses of parliament, I beg you will not suppress. Should are not calculated to produce, but, on the price exceed, it would certainly only the contrary, are practically mischievous benefit the class of speculators whose and particularly inconsistent with public ability to enrich themselves at the public welfare. However, Sir, as you have al- expence, you would not I am sure willingly ready fully and repeatedly proved this contribute to. I do not allude to regulatter opinion, I shall only add one fact lar middle men, whose credit with their in confirmation of one of the objections connexions, and whose permanent inwhich reflecting persons stated in the terest is involved in regular profits, and first instance. I allude to their assertion, not in fluctuating prices. But, Sir, are "That if the proposed measure could the inhabitants of this ancient and enbe established, the difference conse-lightened metropolis to be persued by quently paid in the higher price of foreign the country representatives, that without corn, can but prove principally a premium absolute dearth, and with free communi or bonus to the foreign grower of, and cation to and from the coasts of the condealer in corn." The following fact I tinent, that 13d. or 1s.or even 9d, should humbly presume is convincing on the be the permanent price of this portion subject. A cornfactor (whose name can of food? My reason for concluding be supplied) as soon as those measures that bread would not under the proposed were known to be sanctioned by the measures exceed the price I have stated Government, and likely to be established during the continuation of peace, is that under some modification, immediately in inasmuch as the said measure of prohi formed a foreign correspondent, advising biting the first sale of the importations him to delay his shipments and wait a of foreign corn, when under 80s. would few weeks for advanced markets; and have the effect sought of advancing corn mark reader, as a rise of no less than 17s. to that price, so likewise there would

such an immense importation and de- circumstances, whenever material disposit take place, to obtain that price tinctions and differences exist, in order on the advance, that it must necessarily to arrive either at fair premises or just keep it down to the lowest possible ad conclusions. It is a species of the comditional advance that would ensure an monest craft used in vulgar controversy, It would. equal chance of sale, which must be to confound all distinctions. connived at, otherwise there would pro- be equally mischievous, and not a jot bably be wanted a protection or indem- more injurious, to assume distinctions nification bill, in behalf of the interested that are frivolous or unfounded. In venparties, and of the foreign proprietor. turing therefore to state that the farThus it is obvious that if importation is mers should be considered as differently to take place in any way, it must produce interested in point of claims in the present the same competition between the fo- instance, and in adding that the indivireign and British growers of corn, which duals appear to me to form in Great now exists between the British and Irish; Britain three distinct and nearly equal and unless the two latter are first upon parties, with very different pretensions, a fair footing, to oppose it in such a de- it is proper to explain, that this is my gree as must eventually produce their private view of their case, and also that ruin, or call for absolute prohibition init is not grounded upon very intimate their behalf, a remedy which we have knowledge with, or extensive information been led to suppose, might if this coun- on the subject, but merely derived from try once relied principally on foreigners a few residents in different parts of Engfor its consumption, in its application, land, in several of which very dissimilar. occasion as great a fall in the prices of customs prevail in the letting of estates, com throughout the exporting and corn and consequently in the circumstances growing nations of Europe, as might and claims of the landed tenantry. probably produce a general revolution, some parts of the country nearly the or lead to a war with this country to pre-whole of the tenantry are without leases, vent it. But, Sir, what good is the and many of them have now been so, for grower of corn, and the agricultura many years past; and as the custom has labourer of this country, to derive from very much increased, it is probable that that will always ensure a rival the persons thus situated, amount to one at his protecting price, seeing that go-third of the whole number.of farmers. vernment is determined that, whenever The next class of farmers are those who high prices or large demands prevail, the hold either long or short leases at an foreigner is then to close in, and to reap exorbitant rent, taken during the high the greater advantages, for it is evident prices of every species of produce, aud that the cheap grower who must in this the limited supply of the importation ease reap a large profit, has the decided of foreign corn. Several of these persons advantage in holding back to engross it is said, occupy a number of estates or such a market. very large farms, but I do really believe that neither in number nor is point of the quantity of land which they occupy that they form more than a third of the interest in question. Certainly the embarrassments of the farmer at the present time, are not exclusively among these persons. The last division consists of

In

But having allowed the partial accurecy of the statement of our opponents in behalf of the farmer and his servant, I would advocate their cause as earnestly as I would that of any other class of individuals. For elicitating their particudr cases, I shall proceed on the present occasion, by giving the master the pre-those farmers who have been more caucedence, though only on account of the courtesy due to him from his superior Situation, for as men and members or Society, I know no difference in their relative importance, or in their claims to humanity. To ap reciate the interest, and claims of the farmers collectively, or of any other body of men, or of society it is obviously necessary to ook at them in their distinct states and

tious and successful, and are now living upon and cultivating their own property, adding to those the gentlemen farmers a term by no means novel) who perhaps have cultivated under their own insp tion a small part of their estate, for the sake either of amusement, or improve

spec

t and discovery, rather than by way competition with the more dependent farmer. These two descriptions of persons,

120

WNY

SEPE

with those tenants who have long old leases, or who have contracted prudently with liberal and uninformed Cits for renewals, beyond doubt comprise a full third of the parties interested in the growth of corn and the farming business. The first class of farmers which I have instanced, are those who have no leases. These persons have been considered as mere vassals of the landlord, but I think very improperly, and that the term is inappropriate, and totally inadequate to appreciate their situation and wretched

ness.

that these persons do not pay so much rent per acre, as the farmer in some other districts; this objection is allowed to be correct, and even in several instances where the farmers will be gainers by their present leases. But this only makes the practice more intolerable. It is evident that those persons cannot pay a rack rent equally as high as the leasehold tenant of a well managed and conditioned farm, in the first instance; because the security of reaping the advantage of his improvements, and expenditure of property, on the es It is very obvious, that in the pre- tate, during his enjoyment of the lease, sent state of society these persons receive would have induced him to cultivate and no particular protection nor equivalent stock it, to the utmost of his ability. advantage, neither are they to be fairly But no farmers of property would take reckoned tenants at will. The farming land to do the same, upon an uncertain business is the only employment they terms, nor is there any probability of are adapted to follow, and if they profess persons without property becoming ademoral principles and integrity, desiring quate to such an expenditure, unless by to live by their exertions, and duly and certain possession at a moderate rent, for fully to discharge the just demands, a given number of years. This is a how small soever of their servants and chance that certain landholders, for the others, they must continue to make the sake of enjoying a most arbitrary power, best of it. If they have none they must or for the gaining of a few pounds more still do the same; without character, in the first instance, appear determined eredit or property, their profession is to continue denying them. In passing the sole medium of their existence. The from this subject, I would hazard a conwhole of these do not probably pay ajecture and venture to suppose, that if this rack ent, but it is notoriously other increasing practice should become genewise with the majority; they are doomed ral throughout Great Britain, as the whether corn is high or low, to pay the face of the country recovers its mili tary exactions of their landlords, to the utter- population, it would approach that state most farthing. This class of farmers of anarchy, so often prevailing in the therefore are not at all interested in pro- sister kingdom; of which country I would tecting prices, but they want, and so venture to add, that under similar cir does agriculture, as far as connected cumstances, more serious troubles and with them, this innovation suppressed; difficulties must occur than any hitherto this growing imitation of Irish customs encountered. put a stop to; this unnatural association with civilization broken down. It is also obvious that the protection of agriculture by an enhancement of prices, would not as far as it is connected with this class of farmers, contribute to the enrichment and employment of the other classes of society: no, their poverty would still remain, and they would continue in this respect, the least useful body of the community. Having no inducements for exertion, they would also continue to be very inferior agriculturists. They may sign their landlord's petitions for protecting prices, but it is evident the protection they want, is from high and fluctuating rents, in connexion with more certain tenure. It may be said

Government ought, however, to interpose and fine both landholders for letting, and tenants for occupying, farms without leases; and that also, if not contracted for between the resident tenant, and the real proprietor, when such. This would, in some measure, defend the unwary, of the latter order, from those speculators in the taking of farms, who deal in leases, and the farmer from the same; and also from the obnoxious class of interloping overseers in the management of large estates.

The next class of farmers, in behalf of whom pretensions are made for corn protecting prices, are those who have taken leases during the extreme high price of Corp, and other provisions; but the