COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER. VOL. XXV. No. 10.] LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 5, 1814. 289] SUMMARY OF POLITICS. [Price 1s. [290 "useful to the great Cause, and will conWAR OF EXTERMINATION.- -The fac-"tribute to strengthen the Government in tion, in this country, who began, and who "their measure of negociating with the have so long been such strenuous advocates" Allies. It appears to us, that the peoof, under all circumstances, the war against "ple of this kingdom, having made trial of France, have been, on many occasions, and "one Peace, which was used by the Ruler upon tolerably good grounds, accused of" of France only as an interval of breathing 31. wishing for a war of extermination; but, I " and recruiting for levying fresh war upon do not know, that they have, until this "his neighbours, have, for years, made up -time, ever openly and unequivocally avow- "their mind to the necessity of carrying on ied such wishes. Heretofore, they have" war as long as the same monster is enusually disguised their real views under the "dured by the French nation as their pretence of wanting to obtain security, "Ruler. There is, accordingly, throughsafely, the independence, or the deliverance" out this prosperous nation, no call for of Europe. Now, however, they, without" peace, as has been in all former wars. any disguise whatever, come forward, and "Persons of all classes acquiesce, with express the ardent desire never to have" patience and with fortitude, in the burpeace with France, till the Sovereign of that" dens and misfortunes attendant on the country is deposed; nay, until he be put to "defensive struggle, which is to protect us death as a malefactor. These senti-" against the slavery imposed upon others, ments are expressed in an article, publish- "who did not so defend themselves. Haped in the Courier news-paper of about a 66 pily the Sovereigns and the People of the fortnight ago, under the title of a Meeting, "Continent have, at length, followed our held at the Thatched-House Tavern, in St." example; and the whole of Europe is James's-street, on the 12th of February. now united against the common enemy, I shall insert this article at full length." who appears, at last, to be at their mercy, It is a great curiosity in its way. It will" pursued, as he is, into his own territory, deserve attention hereafter; and, it will" where there is no sign of a disposition in certainly account, in some measure, for any "the people to stand by him, and save him bitterness of hostility which may be disco-" from military execution. -In this cri vered by Napoleon against this country,"sis of Europe, it is our opinion, our earshould he chance to survive his dangers," nest prayer, and our firm hope, that there and to triumph over a combination, the" will be no contract, no treaty, no parley, greatest that ever was, I believe, known, or "with the Man whom the French still sufheard of, in the world.- -The article to "fer to be their representative among the which I allude, and on which I am about " Powers of Europe. He is a known liar, to comment, was published in the follow-" impostor, thief, and murderer; one who ing words: "At a meeting of Gentle-" would not be borne, as a private person, 66 men at the Thatched-House Tavern, St." in a low station of life from which he had "James's-street, Saturday, 12th of Febru-"been raised during the reign of wickedary, 1814, the following Public Address" ness in France. And how can Britons was agreed to:-Approaching, as we consent that their King should enter into now seem, to the conclusion of a warfare," covenant with such a one, as his equal! "that has been sustained for the mainte- "or that a British Nobleman or Gentleman nance of Government and the social sys- "should be degraded to the office of treattem, against the assaults of the Frenching, or holding converse, with such in"Revolution, during a period of more than "struments of assassination and villany as "20 years, it appears to us, that a Decla- " are the Ministers and Servants of such a "ration from the people at large, of senti- "Monster! The like repugnance, we are "6 ments that are suited to the circumstances sure, must be felt in the breasts of our " of the present moment, will be highly" Allies; because it must be wherever 66 66 66 66 K This "there is any thing royal, any thing noble, ought to continue the war, until we have any thing honest. But we having been killed Napoleon, or caused the French to "the leaders in this war, it seems peculi-kill him. Motives of safety for ourselves; "arly our province to give the word, and safety for Europe; motives of conquest, of "be the first to proclaim our opinion, with honour, are all laid aside; we are now to "whom it can, and with whom it cannot, spend our money, and shed our blood, in be terminated.· While we declare this holy war, for the destruction of one "thus peremptorily against peace with the man, and for the forcing upon the French "hateful Ruler of France, we are conscious nation, that great, populous, gallant, po"that we speak only from a desire and a lite, and ingenious nation, a government, "love of peace; being fully persuaded, or, at least, a ruler, whom they now have "that such happy state is never to be en- chosen to set up over them. "joyed while that man has the power of impudent faction say, that they have a "disturbing it, whenever it suits his pro- great majority of the people of this country "jects of rapine and desolation so to do; with them. I do not believe it; but, if it "and being convinced, as we are, that were so, that would not change the nature ❝such a sentence of disqualification, pro- of the doctrine which they promulgate. It "nounced against him by the Allied would only prove, that it is more extensivePowers, is the last step that need be ly prevalent, and would, to every just "taken for terminating the war, and re- mind, afford additional cause of regret. 66 storing the former state of things in Eu- -The French people are appealed to by "rope. I would be a signal to the French this impudent and bloody faction. This. "people to do justice on their oppressor, faction, who only want the courage to make "whom they have long determined not to them murderers and assassins, tell us, that, 66 spare al home, when they once see him if the whole of this nation were to join them "thoroughly beaten and discredited abroad. in an expression of their sentiments, it "The contempt, the hatred, the ab- would be" a signal to the French people "horrence of that man's character, have" to do justice on their oppressor, whom "" long been general throughout this country; and, on the present occasion, we be"lieve it to be a general sentiment, that he "ought not to be recognised as a Sovereign "Prince, and treated with for peace; but "rather, that justice should be done upon "him as a malefactor. If this is really a general sentiment, we trust it will be ge66 nerally declared. It is a time for the 66 people to raise their voice through the country. When the French first made war upon us with their revolutionary 66 principles, and their revolutionary hosti"lities, the people spoke for themselves, "in support of the King and Constitution; "and it was their public declarations and associations that gave a tone to the exertions of Government, which has been 66 our main support through this long warfare. The contest seems now to be re"duced to one single object, the overthrow "of the odious Tyrant himself. Let the "people now shew themselves, to put a "finishing hand to their own war. Let them declare against a peace with the "Tyrant of France. When the popular | "opinion of this nation is once declared, "we shall see what will be the conduct of "the King's government; and, very soon "after, we shall see what will happen in "France.-PRO REGE ET POPULO.' Here, then, it is openly avowed, that we "they have resolved not to spare at home, miring the magnanimity of the people of and reasoning on the side of the man, whose France, who have never attempted any act blood they thirst for. They do, however, of retaliation. These men of blood do not know of them and feel their weight; but seem to reflect on the example that they are this only excites their rage, as it usually giving, which example, if the people of happens with those, who find themselves France were base and bloody enough to beaten in argument. They have read the follow it, might lead to the horrible deed answer to the Bourbon Proclamation; they of murdering our own sovereign. It must have read the articles upon the subject of have occurred to most people to observe, Moreau; they have read the several articles that while our public prints are filled with upon the subject of the state of France and such abominable sentiments as those above the disposition of the people towards Naexpressed; that, while our prints call the poleon. They know, they must know, Emperor of France all sorts of foul names; that these articles contain facts and arguthat, while they assert, in so many words, ments that entitle them to an answer; but, that the sovereign, to whom our great and unable to answer, they fall, like the lowest good Ally, the Emperor of Austria, gave of the vulgar, to vile and odious railing. his daughter in marriage, and by whom They are not ignorant, that men of sense she has a son, heir to her husband's throne, and candour are on our side, because sense is " a liar, an impostor, a thief, a tyrant, and candour yield to convincing proof in "a murderer, and a monster," the French spite of prejudice; but, they are aware, at prints never utter a syllable of personal the same time, that the mass of the people abuse of any of our Royal Family, but as are guided by their prejudices, cherished carefully abstain from it as if the authors by the mass of the public prints; and, were liable to even our own libel laws for though the men of blood know that the such abuse; and that while our prints are sense and candour of the country hold them incessantly inculcating the right and the and their doctrine in abhorrence, they care duty of the French people to assassinate little for that, provided they secure the mass their sovereign, the French prints express of the people, and thereby keep alive the regret at the unhappy state of our good old delusion that keeps alive the war. -But, king, and leave us in quiet to bestow our upon what ground, again, do these men of love and admiration upon him and all his blood presume, that a declaration of their family, contenting themselves with cen- sentiments, supposing it to become general suring, and that, too, in the most dignified in England, would influence the people of tone and manner, the views, the policy, France, and induce them to abandon, or to and the acts of our government; so that, murder, Napoleon? It is presumption in the Paris papers scarcely ever contain an the highest and most ridiculous degree to article, which our libel laws would not let suppose, that the French nation, consisting pass, and which even I myself might not of thirty millions of men, the most active, publish as my own production with impu- most intelligent, most brave, and most nity.- This contrast is no less striking proud of national glory in the world, than it is humiliating to us as a nation; would kill their sovereign merely because and, if the two nations were to be judged the thirteen or fourteen millions of people of by it, how little, how low, how con- in these islands wished them to do it. If temptible must England appear by the side we could suppose it possible for such a deof France! -And, upon what ground claration to have any influence at all upon do the men of blood accuse Napoleon their minds, we must suppose that it would of being an oppressor of the people of be to make them love him more than ever; France? It has been shown, that his code and I have, for my part, not the smallest of laws is admirable; it has been shown doubt, that, if they ever do hear of the that the Bourbons themselves, in order to publications of the blood-men, those pubpave their way to restoration, have been lications are very useful to Napoleon, as induced to promise the French people the they must say to the people of France: continuance of that code; it has been shown, "this is the man whom you ought to chethat he has done a great deal for the hap-"rish, because, you see, that those who piness and even for the liberty of, France. "wish your humiliation, and who boast of Why are not these statements answered?" being the leader of your invaders, so Why does not some one of the men of blood" anxiously desire his death." show, that these statements are false? They never enter the field of argument with us. They never appear to take any notice of the facts - Besides, suppose the people of France to receive and read such a declaration, might they not, and would they not, answer in somewhat in re-establishing Bishops and Priests, Napoleon has not restored the monks and friars to their convents and their immense property, by the means of which they led 'such easy lives and wore such fat and rosy cheeks, while those who tilled their ma land were skin and bone. Their lands were divided amongst us by the republican assemblies, and Napoleon has con firined their grants. Is it for this that this way: "Why do you wish us to destroy you so hate him? Is it for this that 4 This change has been made by Napoleon. "Why, therefore, do you call upon us to murder him? Why do you so eagerly seek his life at our hands? Why would you have us assassinate him, who has relieved "you from all danger of being deprived by us of those "blessed comforts of religion," for which that worthy veteran George Rose, called on you to pay and fight, and "who has restored those inestimable bless6 ings even to us? Why, you men of blood, would you urge us to stick our " knives into his heart?- -It is true, indeed, that, in restoring religion to France; been forming schemes for their abolition in England; if one of your prin-≥ cipal noblemen has not stated, to a great meeting of farmers and wool-dealers, that you laboured under the disadvantage of tithes, which neighbouring "countries were free from. Is it, therefore, possible, that this can be the cause of 'your calling Napoleon a tyrant, an oppressor, and a man whom we ought to 'murder, and a man whom we must and 'shall murder, before you will let us have 'peace? Would you, indeed, have us butcher our ruler in cold blood, because he has not compelled us to pay the holy church her dues? If this be the cause, or any part of the cause, of your bloody'minded purpose, let us, at any rate, never hear any more of your own grumbling ' about tithes; for, we are not aware of any law of God, of Nature, or of Nations, making that oppression in England which is not to be deemed oppression in France. -So much for your war for haly re "ligion," as it was called by Mr. John Bowles, the Dutch Commissioner. "Your next object, or rather, objects, of war were, as expressed by that heavenborn minister, Mr. Pitt, "indemnity for 'the past and security for the future." Have you not got indemnity in the thirty millions of subjects which you have ⚫ acquired at Java? In all your immense |" and commerce to the enemy, and have conquests of territory and of people? In" silently withdrawn from both ourselves?" the Dutch and Danish fleets? Or, do'-(Times news-paper, March 1). Oh, you pretend to say, that all these put 'Oh! That is it, is it? What, this same · together are not worth a millionth part of Napoleon, whose character, but now, the hundreds of millions that you have you said you held in contempt, is all of a " expended in the war? Be it so, then; sudden, become a chief, who well knows but, would you have us murder Napoleon how to make use of a veteran army! for that? Did he cause you to expend • Here you let your real motives peep out. all these hundreds of millions? And, if You do not wish that our veterans, who 'he did, is that a reason why we should are prisoners of war, should be restored cut his throat while he is asleep, seeing to their country; and, therefore, you that the money was expended in a war 'would keep on the war; which, by the against us? And, as to "security for by, seems not to square very well with "the future," you cannot, surely, now be all the pity, which you are eternally ex' apprehensive upon that score, seeing that, pressing for our conscripts, whom, one as you say, all your nation hold Napoleon would suppose, you would wish to see " in " contempt;" seeing that declare return to those weeping mothers," ' him to be fallen; seeing, that from being whose "bleeding bosoms" your Mr. Cana conqueror, you now regard him as a ning, in the true Green Room style, so desperate wretch struggling for bare ex-pathetically described, in one of his 6 you istence. Why, then, not suffer him, so contemptible a thing, to exist, it being so obvious, that a poor contemptible ruler ⚫ in France must tend more to your future 'security than any thing else could? Why, then, not let us remain unstained with his blood? And, if all this be, at bottom, affected, on your part; if you fear that ' he will not only deliver France, but again " carry the French standards' into the territory of her numerous invaders, and, in the end put you in danger; if this be the case, if you think that he will retrieve his fortunes and our glory, and if you do not think us the greatest of fools, or the basest of mankind, can you expect, that, 'for this reason we should become his murderers ?—Your war, in its last stage, became a war for "the deliverance of Europe." And is not Europe now delivered? Is not Napoleon now ready to 'make peace even upon the basis proposed 'by the Allies themselves? What more 'do you want of him? Would you have us 6 1 speeches to the wise men of Liverpool. same navy as at present?" You do not an enemy to you, he "understanding so well how to make use of a veteran ariny.' 'That is it, is it? and so, you would have us 'murder him, you would have us not only 'become assassins, but run the risk of a civil war and the loss of laws and property, you would wish to return to Lettres de Cachet, Gabelles, Corvées, Seigneu 'rial Courts, Provincial Judges, Tithes, and Game-laws, and to kill Napoleon, to cut his throat or stick him while asleep, murder him because he has consented to ratify your declared wishes? No, this is not the true reason why you want him 'assassinated. That reason we must look ' for in another of your publications, where " you say: "Is this the time for us to pur-in order that some weak and unwarlike "chase peace for the satisfaction of re"sloring a veteran army to the Chief who "so well knows how to make use of them? ❝ Or is it our wish to try how productive |