deemed them. They were a worthless material, most of them, to work upon. A mixture of weakness and stubbornness, of arrogance and impotence, of jealousy and mistrust. Yet the Italians did not despair. They crowded around them; they perplexed and mystified them; they removed their timid and bigoted advisers; they praised and shamed, coaxed and bullied them. They separated them by degrees and for ever from their common oppressor. They made them aware of the necessity of identifying their interests with those of their subjects.

It was by this slow system of gentle, half-passive resistance that the King of Sardinia and the Grand-Duke of Tuscany were gradually nationalised. The former, by constant appeals to his ambition, to his captious jealousy of power; the latter, by clouds of incense ministered to his vanity, as a philosophical innovator, a champion of humanity, a worthy successor of Joseph and Leopold. The press at Turin and Florence advanced with gigantic strides. The enlightening of the people kept pace with the increase of public prosperity. People breathed freely already, and felt in their heart that brighter days were in store.

Still the seat of war was in the very heart of the country. The obstinacy of the infatuated Gregory XVI. led to a more energetic opposition in the states of the church. Thought was there also at work, but with a dangerous degree of exasperation and impatience. That wrong-headed pope did all in his power to drive his subjects to sanguinary extremities.

At last it pleased Providence to remove the wrathful old priest. It pleased Providence to give him a successor who understood the spirit of the times. A new era began for Italy: the system of her patriots had now reached its maturity: the new pope made himself its interpreter, and had all the merit of bringing it into being.

The princes of Italy—with Sardinia and Tuscany at their head-had hitherto only suffered themselves to be dragged along by public opinion. They bowed, and with no good grace, to imperious necessity. They strained all their puny strength ; they held the reins as tight as they were able, even though aware that they were being run away

with. The pope slackened them, and even shook them merrily about the horses' manes.

The impulse his mere decree of amnesty gave the whole of Italy, proves the degree of coercion the country had previously undergone. We are not sure the good pope was not, to some extent, astonished at his own work. He followed it up earnestly, honestly, nevertheless. He proceeded hand-in-hand with his subjects. His concessions were always in keeping with the moderate party of patriots he had summoned round his throne from every part of the country.

After his example, such of the Italian princes as admitted common sense in their council, had also come to the best understanding with their people.

It was a crisis of the greatest moment. To crown the success of Italian patriotism, Austria must needs thrust her head into a hornet's nest. She tried plots and intrigues at Rome; they turned out miserable failures. The attack on Ferrara led to a most solemn fiasco. The results of her defeat will be most disastrous to herself

. Already the cabinet of Vienna gives every symptom of disposition to give up the game. It disavows the rash deed of General Radezky. The occupation of Ferrara was “all a mistake.” Most humble apologies must be tendered; the obnoxious soldiery instantly withdrawn; and, if there be any virtue in diplomacy—if the pope know how to follow up his advantage, all cause

of offence will be removed for the future, by a total abandonment of those eispadane citadels of Ferrara and Comacchio. Austria professed to hold them for the benefit of the pope; and the pope ought to know better whether he requires her protection or not.

Once these matters amicably settled—and the interests of all Europe demand that such differences should be put an end to by peaceful negotiation-it becomes very evident that the Roman states are safe for ever from Austrian interference. Thank God! without one drop of blood shed, without one sword drawn, one of the Italian states has attained its utter enfranchisement.

The effect of this firm and manly conduct of one Italian government on the rest of the country is almost incalculable.

It is little to say

that the independence of the Roman pontiff secures the emancipation of all the other states. It actually compels the other states to follow the same line of policy. Bongré, malgré, they must be independent. With the exception of the ill-fated Lombardo-Venetian kingdom, Austria loses, at one stroke, her footing in Italy. Such of the Italian princes as would still side by her, can no longer rely on her support. They are in the hands of their subjects. Compliance with their just demands is henceforth their best, their only safeguard.

The Duke of Lucca has lately experienced the correctness of our assertion. He stamped and threatened, talked very big about the sacred rights of the throne, the efficacy of imperial patronage. He mustered up his troops, lighted the match of his cannon, established a little kingdom of terror. What of it ? Five unarmed youths stood up against his legions and batteries, undaunted, unflinching, though deserted by the craven multitude. It was a novel sight. The Italians-five of them have learned to face fire and sword. Those five heroic young men carried the day. The Duke of Lucca had sense enough to perceive that their example would be contagious. One steady heart is sufficient to re-assure a whole host. There were those among his subjects—though no more than five at first—that were not to be put down by fear. Hence he declares in his manifesto that he is determined “to reign not by fear but by love." He might have said so four-and-twenty hours before!

After so short a strife, and by so easy a victory, is Lucca added to the revolutionised, emancipated states. Parma and Modena alone, in fact, remain true to their staunch adhesion to Austria: the former state already convulsed by daily squabbles between people and soldiery ; Maria Louisa, the duchess, frightened out of her wits, sick at heart of earthly glories, ready to sign her abdication. Her states then fall to the Duke of Lucca, the same who has so lately received the salutary lesson that five welldetermined men are more than a match for an army!

It is thus that since the ill-omened invasion of Ferrara, Italy is governed by patriots. The Tuscan archduke follows in the footsteps of the Roman pontiff. The Duke of Lucca adopts the policy of the GrandDuke of Tuscany.

The King of Sardinia declares himself answerable for the independent rights of the Pope as an Italian prince ; and the King of Naples professes himself ready to back Sardinia in his brave demonstration. A good understanding is thus established between five of the most influential Italian states. This is the germ of a national federation, which virtually exists already, and which will be duly organised and sanctioned ere we are many months older. A federation between the princes naturally compels them to a uniform line of interior administration. There are wants equally felt by all the people of Italy, which must equally be listened to and provided for by all such rulers as wish to find rest on their thrones. They stand now alone, reft of that Austrian support that implied ignominious vassalage. Their newly-acquired dignity as independent princes places them at the mercy of their subjects. All European monarchs are so. Their power, henceforth, exclusively emanates from popular favour. They are the idol the people have set up, and can with equal facility overthrow. The example of the most liberal of them becomes a law for all the others. “ Viva Pio Nono" was the spell-word at Florence and Lucca. In the pope's name the Italians have conquered. The most benevolent sovereign has taken the lead hitherto. So long as he favours and promotes patriotic measures, the pope, be it understood, rules at Turin or Florence, no less than at Bologna or Rimini. The pope is now a symbol. His name a talisman.

It is synonymous with Italy and freedom !

So much can calmness and unanimity achieve for a nation, especially when strengthened by the consciousness of the justice of its cause.

The war-cry of liberty is communicated from state to state with the rapidity of the electric telegraph. A victory at Rome or at Lucca is a theme of rejoicing from the Alps to the sea. Freedom of the press at the Capitol leads to equal latitude on the banks of the Arno. The Piedmontese Gazette derives fresh boldness from the tone of the Alba or Contemporaneo. No nation bound together by long-established political compact, by long-cherished traditions and common interests could proceed with greater unanimity than such as was evinced by the hitherto discordant Italians. The patriots are uniform, methodical in their transactions, unisonous in their demands. We hear of no discussion of local interests or provincial or municipal franchises. Two only are, for the present, the objects to be carried— freedom of the press and civic or national guard. Emancipation of public opinion, with the means of vindicating and warranting it. The arming of the people has ever been looked upon by the Italians as the main, the only instrument, of their deliverance. No charter, no representative assembly, no educational scheme, satisfies them half so much as the consciousness of power resulting from holding the muskets in their hands. It is but too natural a feeling with them. Till now they have been crushed by force-might has been right for them.

The Austrians, or else the Swiss, have always been the main instrument of the power of their despots. They were artfully disarmed, kept aloof from all warlike exercise, and then upbraided with faint-heartedness and effeminacy. The Austrians lengthened the period of the military service of their Italian subjects, so as to train as few of them as possible to Ferdinand IV. of Naples, himself

, by his own confession, the greatest of cowards, contended that his maccaroni-eaters should wear a cuirass to their back, that being the only part of their body they ever turned to the enemy. Their own rulers, no less than foreigners, made themselves merry at the expense of Italian poltroonery. The Italians long to wash out their shame in the best of their own blood. They have a vague longing for a fair trial of their courage. The wars of Napoleon ought, indeed, to be sufficient to screen them from all imputation of cowardice ; but since even such recent events are forgotten, since their assertions are everywhere received with a speer, they must put themselves in a position to make good their words with fresh deeds.

They must fight that men may learn to respect them. They owe a few drops of blood to their national honour. Let them, therefore, for one moment revel in the enjoyment of their own strength. Let them—to make use of their own popular proverb—“ hold the sword by the handle.'

Indeed they have too many reasons to ttach so much importance to their national armament. Their victory only commences. Austria is baffled, but yet unbroken. She halts, but does not retire. She disavows hostile intentions, but evinces no friendly inclinations. She stops short in her career of unjustifiable aggression, humbled, bewildered, but not resigned. With her hand on the hilt of her sword she watches every step of Italian advancement. There is something appalling in the silence of her irresolution. But for the profound peace of Europe, but for the outcry of honest England, and the wavering of treacherous France, she would fain strike a blow. But for her uneasiness on the part of the rival states of Germany, on the part of the Swiss radicals, on the part of her own subjects in Hungary and Gallicia, she would gladly have a dash at the pope. Meanwhile, she waits and watches, she plots with discontented prelates, with Jesuits, with the very refuse of the populace. One instant of opportunity, of good resolve on her part, one deed of imprudence on the part of the Italians themselves, and she may yet sweep unresisted over Italy.

Against the contingencies of any such sudden onset, it is the duty of every good patriot to provide. Nay, it is well for them to consider a struggle with Austria as unavoidable. All they want is time, and time is given them. The strife is most happily put off

, till they may become a match for their redoubted adversary. Let them only not waste one precious moment in vain dissensions or jealousies. Let them give up all political or constitutional discussions for the present. To arm! to arm! is for them the great object; the common necessity.

We repeat it--the contest may be put off-not averted. Were even Austria to persevere in her peaceful position-which is next to impossible, since her position becomes every day more precarious at home-it will be their sacred obligation at some future period to attack her. Their most fertile, most flourishing provinces are in her hands. The triumph of Florence and Rome aggravates the humiliation of Milan. Till an insolent German soldiery tramples on their brethren of Lombardy, it is idle for the Italians to dream of national honour or freedom. The enemy

is in the heart of the country. Till he be driven beyond the Alps no Italian has a right to look up into the face of European nations. The brand of abject vassalage is on his brow. It avails him little that his petty town or territory are rid of the hated presence, that his petty governmeut follows an independent line of policy. He is an Italian or is nothing. So long as he suffers the least corner of his country to be the prey of a foreign invader, he must renounce the glories of his Italian name. He may

be a Tuscan, a Piedmontese--but how tame do these words sound by the side of the noble associations of Italy and Rome? Let him claim the whole of his great fatherland! God himself has traced its boundaries : the mountains and the sea : God himself has vouchsafed its people one language, one religion—all the most sacred bonds of national unity. All the advantages hitherto obtained are merely provisional, transitional. Italian confederacy must lead to Italian nationality. All partial or local revolutions are only preliminary movements.

The work of Italian regeneration may begin at Turin or Rome: it must, nevertheless, end at

the same.

Milan. Such is the political creed of every patriot throughout the country: of the most moderate no less than of the most impatient and fiery. They may differ as to the means, but their object is, very clearly, one and

The arming of the people is, from the above reasons, the uppermost wish of every heart. Even freedom of opinion seems to be of less consequence with them, for their cause is too fair, too plain and obvious to be in need of any very strenuous advocacy. They have obtained enough from their rulers, if these will only allow them to prepare for imminent struggle. They do not wish to hurry them or commit them

to any premature act of hostility. They wait for a signal from them. The people of Ferrara were designedly advised, persuaded to offer no resistance. The cardinal limited himself to an unarmed, unmeaning protest. Had the Austrian advanced, Bologna was perhaps ready for an equally tame and passive submission. Resistance, at the present moment, was out of the question; as it proved, aggression on the part of the enemy was also unavailing. The law of nations afforded sufficient protection in this instance. Ere the recurrence of similar outrages, the people shall have learnt how to provide for their own defence. After that first ill-judged, ill-fated demonstration, Austria has come to a sudden suspension of hostilities. She now puts forth certain claims to vindicate the legality of her proceedings. She offers to lay matters in the hands of arbitrators; she retraces her false step as much as she may consistently with her own honour.

After that a period of armistice will ensue. The Italians must not mistake it for a permanent peace,

Much of the subsequent events will depend on their own conduct. They must act with a firm persuasion that war will be ultimately inevitable; but that it is of the greatest importance to themselves to put it off to the best of their

power.

No

pretext should be afforded to the enemy for immediate interference. as they go steadily, unanimously to work, no man dares to touch them. The sympathy and applause of all Europe is sufficient to bear them on unscathed. Order and concord renders them invulnerable. The common saying, that “ union is strength,” was never more appropriately applied. In two-thirds of Italy the organisation of native militia, the arming of the nation is allowed. Let that be accomplished without any unseasonable breach of the peace. The expulsion of the Jesuits, reform of the church, convocation of councils and assemblies, will be matter for after consideration. Political discussion would lead to party spirit, and this again to civil feud and bloodshed. Austria would require no more. So long as she can persuade Guizot or Palmerston that she is only acting in her usual capacity of general policeman of Europe ; so long as her invasions take place in the name of public order and peace,

she is welcome to ride over all Italy; to trample people and princes in the dust. The Italian rulers themselves, scared out of all their present benignity, would not hesitate to call in her aid. To rely on the sincerity of the King of Sardinia, who has twice ratted in the course of his life ; or of the Duke of Lucca, who was only yesterday blustering and menacing, who has been twice compelled to come back from his hiding-place at Massa, and made a liberal of in spite of himself-would be altogether too idle. Enough has been obtained from such sovereigns-enough wrung from their hands. They must be allowed to breathe, to recover

from the panic of their recent discomfiture. Italian princes have, but too often, shown their aptitude to recantation and perjury. Coercive measures may even

So long