ing elements in this category, apostar, aguardar, and esperar the prepositional complementary clause is not nearly so frequent as in Galdós. In fact, the direct complementary clause is the invariable construction after apostar, and after aguardar it occurs more often than the prepositional complementary clause 1.

It is only after esperar that the latter construction is found in the majority of the examples.

aguardar (3): no aguardes a que yo ponga mano al espada (I, 18; I, 433). Cf. also I, 5; I, 193 and I, 40; III, 205. Contrast: sin aguardar que el pastor respondiese, alargó la mano y tomó algunos (I, 13; I, 404). The direct complementary clause also occurs in I, 41; III, 238; — II, 56; VI, 132; — II, 16; IV, 320 2.

Contrast the preceding complementary clauses with the following supplementary clause: les dije... que allí me aguardasen hasta que yo fuese (I, 41; III, 216); cf. p. 70, note 1. esperar (10): se sentó en el camino esperando a que Sancho, Rocinante, y el rucio llegasen (II, 58; VI, 183); yo soy contento de esperar a que ría el alba (I, 20; II, 107); por bien de esperar a que amaneciese (pag. cit.). Contrast: estuvo esperando que aquellos caballeros llegasen (I, 4; I, 175); —

tuvo

1 This is in sharp contrast to the situation in Galdós where the prepositional complementary clause is decidedly the more frequent construction (cf. p. 70). It will be remembered, however, that after verbs in this category the direct complementary clause is a bona-fide direct-object clause (cf. loc. cit). Cf. also : lo que osaré apostar es que, etc. (I, 10; I, 320); — aguardó oír el sí (I, 29; II, 410); — es menester esperar la segunda parte (I, 6; I, 237). Consequently, when we consider that in the Quijote, after verbs that are always followed by the prepositional non-clausal complement, the direct complementary clause is found as frequently as the prepositional complementary clause, we should naturally expect to find the former construction used to a much greater extent after verbs, such as the above, which may be construed both transitively and intransitively. For details with regard to each individual verb, cf. p. 214, note 2 and p. 215,

note I.

2 Cf. note 2, next page.

esperad que venga el nuevo día (I, 43; III, 283);

esperad que aclare el día (I, 43; III, 293). From these examples it seems fairly clear that after esperar the relative object and the direct object have substantially the same value 1. The other prepositional complementary clauses occur in I, 7; I, 257; I, 12; I, 371; —I, 37; III, 138; — I, 41; III, 222; — II, 59; VI, 186; — II, 60; VI, 228; — II, 61; VI, 238. The other direct complementary clauses are found in: I, 2; I, 114; — I, 38;

III, 156; — I, 51; III, 452; — II, 9; IV, 196;

-

II, 21; IV, 430. Esperar, unlike aguardar, is more frequently followed by the a que than by the que clause 2. Nevertheless, the two verbs seem to be indentical in meaning. Cf. the following pairs of examples: estaba aguardando que se le diese señal precisa de la arremetida (II, 56; VI, 132), and detuvo las riendas a Rocinante, esperando que algun enano se pusiese entre las almenas a dar señal ... de que llegaba caballero al castillo (I, 2; I, 114); sin aguardar que Zoraida le respondiese (I, 41; III, 238), and esperó a que la Princesa le respondiese (I, 37; III, 138); aguardó a que fuese más noche (I, 5; I, 193), and esperad... que llegue la noche (I, 38; III, 156).

After apostar the direct complementary clause is the uniform construction. Cf. yo apostaré que este buen hombre que viene contigo es un tal Sancho Panza (II, 58; VI, 177). Cf. also: I, 20; II, 126; — I, 23; II, 239; II, 3; IV, 94; — II, 6; IV,

1 Cf. p. 72, note 1.

2 Esperar is followed by a que as early as the fourteenth century and by the time we reach the Quijote this has become the more frequent construction (cf. p. 163). But with aguardar, which does not come into general use until after the Old Spanish period, no a que clauses are found in the texts prior to the Quijote (cf. p. 138). The original construction with aguardar is the direct complement, but by influence of esperar a que, we later obtain aguardar a que. Consequently, aguardar que is still the dominant construction in the Quijote. When we reach modern Spanish, however, the construction after both verbs has become equalized, the prepositional complementary a que clause being the prevalent form.

150;

II, 7; IV, 159; — II, 40; V, 301; - II, 61; VI, 238; II, 66; VI, 325; — II, 20; IV, 412. But in the following examples, since the thing wagered is expressed, the que clause cannot be regarded as the direct object: Yo apostaré un brazo que puede Camacho envolver en reales a Basilio (II, 20; IV, 400); — yo apostaré una buena apuesta que etc. (II, 62; VI, 267) 1.

c. En Introduces the Complementary Clause. The prepositional complementary clause is the more frequent construction. It is worthy of note that none of the verbs that govern en que clauses in this category correspond to the governing elements found in Galdós 2.

1 Apostar is followed in modern Spanish by either the relative object or the direct object (cf. p. 70). But in the texts prior to the Quijote it is regularly construed with the direct complementary clause, which may represent either the direct object or the relative object, depending on whether the verb is asseverative in character or whether it denotes an actual wager (cf. p. 70, note 2). It is because of the coexistent transitive construction that the a que clause does not put in an appearance after apostar denoting an actual wager until well into the seventeenth century. (Cf. Cuervo, Dicc., I, 551b. The earliest example cited by Cuervo is from Moreto). But once the a que construction is well established, it spreads to those cases in which the thing wagered is not mentioned, until in Galdós, it is the more frequent construction, even after the asseverative apostar.

The bulk of the examples in Galdós belonging to this category occur after

confiar, consentir, convenir, pensar, and reparar (cf. pp. 72 ff.). - For the constructions after confiar in the Quijote, cf. p. 100, note 2. Consentir is always followed by the que clause, which in every case represents the direct object. Cf. Ni gusto de murmurar ni consiento que delante de mí se murmure (II, 16; IV, 322). For the distinction between the relative and the direct object after consentir, cf. p. 73, note 1. Convenir, in the sense of « concordarse », is, in comparison with its extensive use in modern Spanish, quite infrequent in the Quijote. Neither convenir que nor convenir en que occur. Such pensar que clauses as are found in the Quijote represent either the direct or the internal object, but not the relative object. Cf. piensan (i. e., « creen ») que hay tocinos y no hay estacas (I, 25; II, 279); - pensar que dejaré de abras los que quedan es pensamiento vano (I, 13; I, 404). Cf. p. 74, note 1. Although not found in the Quijote, pensar en que is not unknown to the earlier texts. Cf. p. 140. retains, in the Quijote, its more concrete and basal value of « parar,

Reparar detenerse »,

concluir (1): vine a concluir en que cumpliría su gusto (I, 39; III, 169) 1.

...

fiado (1) En esto, el [gusto] que tenía Leonela de verse cualificada en amores llegó a tanto que .. se iba tras él a suelta rienda, fiada en que su señora la encubría (I, 35; III, 102). Contrast poniendo los ojos... Vuestra Excelencia en mi buen deseo, fío que no desdeñará la cortedad de tan humilde servicio (I, Ded., I, 16) 2.

and has apparently not yet developed its transferred meaning of « notar, observar ». Consequently, the prepositional complement has not yet evolved into the relative object. Cf. parar, reparar, detenerse en que, p. 211.

1 Concluir, in the sense of « determinar, decidir », which is its value in the above example, is normally transitive (for examples of concluir que in modern, classic, and pre-classic Spanish, cf. Cuervo, Dicc., II, pp. 3248,328a). Consequently Cuervo (loc. cit) is disposed to see in the above example and in the other rare uses of en after concluir in this value a «constr. hoy olvidado, en que se percibe la influencia de resolverse en ». There is, however, no need of positing such direct analogical influence. Concluir transitive from its basal meaning of « dar fin, dejar completo » quite naturally develops that of « determinar, decidir », the intermediate stage being well represented in the following example : En cincuenta días que se gastaron en estas demandas y respuestas no se pudo concluir cosa aiguna (Mariana, Historia de España, 20,6 cited by Cuervo,

op. cit., 324b). But concluir is also used intransitively with the value of « llegar a su fin, terminarse » and may be followed by en to denote the point of cessation (for examples, cf. Cuervo, op. cit., 327b; cf. also parar en que, detenerse en que, p. 229). When used metaphorically as « llegar a un juicio o decisión >> the point of cessation develops into the relative object, as in the above example with en que. Cf. also después de muchas demandas y respuestas, concluyó mi mayordomo en dar por Leonisa cinco mil y por mí tres mil escudos (Cervantes, Nov. 2 cited by Cuervo, op. cit., 324b). But in this meaning the verb becomes equivalent to << determinar, decidir » and cannot be distinguished from the transitive concluir with this value (cf. example above from Mariana). Consequently, the relative object construction merges into the transitive. A similar development from the point of cessation to that of relative and even direct object is furnished by reparar (cf. p. 211, note 3) and resolverse (cf. p. 217,note 1). After both these verbs en represents the relative object as developed from the point of essation.

2 Cf. confío que, p. 200, note 2. The construction of fiar and confiar show mutual influence, fiarse de, fiarse en, fiar de, fiar en all occuring in the Quijote. (cf. Cejador, Leng., II, 512b). · Contrast fiarse de que in Galdós, P. 61.

resolverse (1): En fin me resolví en que poco amor, poco juicio, mucha ambición y deseos de grandeza hicieron que se olvidase de las palabras con que me había engañado (I, 27; II, 372).

Cf. concluir en que above. In both examples concluir and resolverse are used with the same meaning (cf. the English « come to the conclusion that »), but with this difference: In resolverse en que the conclusion reached is a judgment, hence the indicative, while in concluir en que it is action of the will, a resolution, hence the conditional 1. Resolverse en, however, is likewise applied to acts of the will. Cf. En fin se resolvió en lo que le estuvo peor, que fué en el quedarse (I, 34; III, 52) 2. — In one example we have not resolverse en que (or resolverse a que) but resolverse de que, this being an analogical formation on the determinative complementary construction, i. e., tomar la resolución de que. Cf. Resolviéronse el Duque y la Duquesa de que el desafío que don Quijote hizo a su vasallo pasase adelante (II, 54; VI, 89) 3.

...

d. Con Introduces the Complementary Clause. In one example con introduces the relative-object clause.

tener cuenta (1): le fué necesario tener gran cuenta con que las lágrimas no acabasen de dar indubitables señas de su amor y arrepentimiento (I, 36; III, 128). Here tener cuenta has the value of << tener cuidado », but, due to the original meaning of

1 Concluir is generally used, however, to denote mental rather than volitive activity and is usually transitive. Cf. p. 216, note 1, and reference to Cuervo. · Resolverse intellective is also followed by the simple que clause. Cf. tanteáronle la edad y se resolvieron que tendría de diez y seis a diez y siete años (Las dos doncellas, B. A. E., I, 1998).

2 I have, as yet, no examples of resolverse en que with volitive meaning. In modern Spanish we find either resolver transitive or resolverse a; cf. resuelto a que, p. 83.

3 Cf. also: resolvióse en fin, a cabo de una gran pieza, de irse a la aldea (I, 35; III, 105). The explanation given above for the de que clause applies to this use of the prepositional infinitive. Cf. Rodríguez Marín, note to II, 54; VI, 89.