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“ I reside upon a farm, the annual value of which has been trebled, at least, since it came into my hands, by the care and attention bestowed upon it; and yet, many of my neighbours, who enjoyed equal advantages with me, and had as great domestic claimis upon them, have suffered their lands to remain in a Manic. fol state of negligence, merely through noth and idleness ; for though they pretended theoretic knowledge, yet they had not resolution to make experiments which might have richly repaid all their labour and expence. I mention this, not from any oftentatious principle with regard to myself, because my line of conduct was no other than what common prudence dictated, but to expose the Sovenly, lazy carriage of too many among my countrymen, and to thew that by their own reprehensible indolence, with respect to tillage, their grounds have been much lets productive, than they could be rendered by proper management; and that the hardships which they may occasionally happen to teel by a scarcity of provisions, is to be charged infinitely more to their own supine behaviour, without bringing intoxication at all into the account, than the inclemency of the seafons, the barrenness of their fields, the severity of landlords, or the exorbitant weight of tythes and taxes, about which they are well inclined to raise fuch an outcry.”
Art. XXXV. The probable Consequences of an Union, im
partially considered. By a Barrister. Svo. Pp. 18. Mil
liken, Dublin. 1799. THE THE Author takes a brief, but general, view of the question ;
and, tracing the state of Ireland from the times preceding the reign of our Second Henry, to the present epoch, thews, first, that Te is indebted to her connection with England for what portion of domestic security and national power she has hitherto enjoyed ; and, iecondly, that it is impossible for her to maintain herself as an inde. pendent state. He represents Ireland to be, at this time, “a miserable and divided country, full of rancour and aniinosity," and the peafantry to be “ignorant, miserable, and idle, addicted by custom to thieving and drunkenness, and impatieni of all civil restraint and lawtul labördination.” The remedy which the Barrister prescribes for these ruinous evils is an equitable Union.
Arr. XXXVI. Perbum Sapienti; or, a Few Reasons for
thinking that it is imprudent to oppose, and difficult to pre-
is wrbum sapientis; nor do we think it properly addrelied to the Anti-Unionists, whose speeches hitherto have displayed elequcntie jaris, fapientia parum. The author seems to think that, because the measure of an Union has been proposed by the Administration, it should be adopted without examination or discussion. If this be his opinion, we must differ from him toto cælo, for, hy a full and temperate discussion alone can the merits or demerits of the project, which ought exclusively to influence its adoption or rejection, be rightly understood, or clcarly ascertained.
Art. XXXVII. Letter from a Retired Barrister in London to a Pruetising Barrister in Dublin. 8vo. Pp.
Pp. 27. Milliken, Dublin. 1799.
'HE author of this Letter considers the Union only in its proba.
ble effects on the Irish Bar, which he judiciously divides into Barristers and Lawyers ;--the former, men of superficial attainments looking to parliamentary influence for professional success; the latter, ftudious and laborious, founding their claims to success on the legi. timate plea of legal knowledge. These last, he maintains, as well as the Attornies, must be essentially benefited by the Union, from its direct tendency to promote “ the general advancement of the country in commerce and in agriculture." He shrewdly remarks, that “ Lawyers thrive in rich pastures, not in fandy desarts, nor in bogs." His arguments appear to us incontrovertible. The author, however, by no means pledges himself to an unqualified approbation of the measure ; for, though he deems it highly beneficial to Ireland, he has Atrong doubts whether it may not prove detrimental to England, His apprehensions are founded on the important changes which a junction of Parliaments may occasion in the frame of her own Consti. tution,”-and these he justly considers as grave and weighty points."
ART. XXXVIII. Union or not? By an Orangeman. 8vo.
Pp. 42, Milliken, Dublin. 1799.
THIS tract contains some strong points well put. The folly of
those Irishmen, who oppose all Union whatever, is demonstrated by a fuppofition that an Union were proposed by which the seat of Imperial Government, and the royal residence, were to be transposed from London to Dublin. The author alks if any man in his senses “could declare such an Union to be disadvantageous to Ireland ?" He enters into a consideration of the extent of British influence necefsarily existing, in the present state of affairs, in the Parliament of Ireland, and he shews that all the prejudicial effects of such influence must be destroyed by an Union. His reasoning on this part of the subject is very clear and satisfactory. He proves that it has ever been the object of the enemies of the country, foreign and domestic, to produce a separation of Ireland from Great Britain ; infers that an Union would remove the principal inducement to such efforts, and, at the same time, supply the means of effectually crushing them, should they ever be exerted, in their infancy. He takes a brief view of the past and present state of Ireland, 'adverts to the causes and effects of the late rebellion, touches upon the religious feuds and diffentions, and considers it impossible that things can remain as they are. He combats the generally received idea that Dublin would be injured by Сс2
the Union, and he shews, at least, the fincerity of his opinion, since his whole property, he tells us, is vefted in houses situated in that me. tropolis. He reprobates the intemperance displayed by the Bar in their treatment of this momentous project, and their attempts to excite a popular outcry against it is compared to “ that system which bal. leaed Castle-hack and Informer againit every man who dared to oppose the progress of treason by argument, or to reveal its practices by evidence :--yet, in what state would this country have been but for the sagacity of Duigenan, or the conscientious repentance of Rey. nolds ?" He denies the affertion of Mr. M.Kenna, that the Catho. lics had no share in the late rebellion, but he forbears to enter on the discussion of a subject which would recall the most “ agonizing recol. lections, and would require the volumes of evidence on the subject suppressed by authority.” We are sorry that he has not afforded us a key to this last declaration, which evidently implies something that calls for enquiry. He thews, from the success which has attended the exertions of many Scotchmen in the British Senate, that the Irish Members would, by a Legislative Union, have a fine field opened for the display of their talents, and the gratification of a laudable am. bition.
The difference between parties in Great Britain and parties in Ire. land is stated in the following extract, with which we shall conclude our notice of a tract, which contains nothing to censure, and much to commend.
*** The nature of a free government always requires party in the fate. British parties, as they are immediately in the seat of Empire, mult bury thenuselves about imperial concerns; all this is proper, and serves to check the Minifler; but the mifery of it is, that we havé, in this country, minor branches of the fame parties, and, not having imperial concerns to meddle with, the whole force of British faction, is, by proxy, directed, in our Parliament, against the internal government of the country, and what Mr. Fox used to utter at Weltminster, his telegraph, Mr. Grattan, was always found to exactly copy, however inapposite or mil. chievous to Ireland,
“ To counteract this evil, the British Minister sends over various Governors, as he finds the confusion increasing in this country; at one time we have Lord Weft. morland encouraging and supporting the Protestant intereftat another, Lord Fitz. willi, m with Mr. Grattan exalting ehe Papifts; then again, Lord Camden support. ing the Constitution, and Mr. Grattan, in a rage, setting the Houle on fire becauíc he is turned out; and, lastly, we have had Lord Cornwallis, with an head full of his own opinions, attempting to govern all the complicated interests of the coun. try, without enquiring into one of them, discouraging and disarming the ProtelCant Yeomanry, who have saved Ireland, affronting the first men in the land for acquitting a Protestant Yeoman, accused by a perjured Rebel; and, at the same tine, sending an avowed traitor, Mr. Sampson, into exile-exile! to Lisbon and another, (Mr. Garret Byrne,) who has laid waste the whole county of Wicks low, burned the Proteltant village of Hacketstown to the ground, and massacred every Protestant, man, woman, and child, whom he found
in the country, to scside at Stowe, in Buckinghamshire, the Paradise of England, the retreat of the Patriot Cobham. Will any one say that these things would have happened were there one Irish Legislator to stand up at Westminster, and tell these things to the people of England ? It has been said, and idly said, that the people of England are indifferent about the Protestant interest; it is not so : the terrible convulsions of 1780 prove that their apprehensions on that ground ven too acute ; and Titly the Imperial Parliament would not tamely luffer the discouragement of that intereft in Ireland, it would not leave those who had fhod their blood, and lod
their dearest friends, their properties, and their homes, in dcfence of their connection with Great Britain, to lit down in comfortless poverty, to compare their lot with that of rebels, and to be forced to acknowledge that treason had the advantage." Pp. 24–27.
Art. XL. A Few Thoughts on an Union; with some Obferva.
tions upon Mr. Weld's Pampblet of “ No Union,” addressed to the Yeomanty of Dublin. By a Well-wisher of Ireland.
8vo. Pp. 37. Milliken, Dublin. 1799. TH THIS well-mearit attempt of a fincere friend to his country, to
shew the advantages of an Union, is more remarkable for good. ness of intention than ability of execution. He exposes fome grofs fallacies in many of Mr. Weld's statements, particularly in respect of the fituation of Scotland, and the views of Great Britain. Indeed, there is a strange perversion of intellect visible in all the arguments applied to the fate of Scotland by the Anti-Unionists; for they persevere in imputing every difturbance that has happened in that country, particularly the Rebellions in 1715 and 1745, to the Union, while they insist that none of the advantages which Scotland now possesses, in the improvement of her trade, manufactures, and agricolture, and the consequent augmentation of her revenue, and the value of land, can be ascribed to that event!
Art. XLI. Ireland profiting by Example; or, the Question,
Whether Scotland has gained, or loft, by an Union with England, fairly discussed. In a Letter from a Gentleman in Edinburgh to bis Friend in Dublin. 8vo. Pp. 33. Milliken, Dublin. Re-printed for Chapple, Pall-Mall, London. Price is. 1799. THIS is one of the most useful tracts that has yet come under our
inspection; it opposes plain facts to strong assertions, and authentic documents to empty declamation. The beneficial consequen. ces of the Union to Scotland are detailed in a moft clear and satisfac. tory manner, and all the falsehoods which have been advanced by the Anti-Unionists, on that subject, are exposed, almost with the accu. racy of mathematical demonftration. One of these pamphleteers had declared “ that Scotland has been beggared and impoverished fince the Union;" the truth of this declaration is proved by an authenticated account of the comparative wealth of that country, previous to the Union, and at the present time; whence it appears that the reve. nues of the Royal Boroughs of Scotland “have been much more than trebled; that the Shipping of Scotland has increased from 215 vessels, or, 14,485 tons, to 2,116 vessels, or, 154,857 tons ; that the produce of the Linen Manufacture, since the year 1728, has increased
from 2,783,978 yards, value £103, 312 95. 3d. to 23,102,4043 yards, value 1906,202 85. 4.d. that the Cotton Manufacture now gives employment to 100,000 persons, and the quantity of cotton printed (in 1792) amounted to 3,821,712 yards; that the income of the Poft Office has been augmented from £1,194, a fum scarcely fufficient to defray the expence of its establishment, to £62,984 95. Id. dear revenue, after all expences are defrayed; and that the increase of the population, since the Union, amounts to 600,000!
Another of these fagacious pamphleteers had stated, that, “ since the Union, Edinburgh has remained stationary;" and others had gone ftill farther, and had not scrupled boldly to declare, that it " is beggared and depopulated.” Let us oppose the voice of truth to the voice of patriotism on this topic.
“ The city of Edinburgh is tripled, in point of extent, fince the period of the Union. It is computed that, within thele last thirty years, the new buildings, public and private, new streets and squares, have cost above two millions sterling. The Public Offices, the Courts of Justice, the Register-House, the Offices of Excise and Customs, the new Univerlity, the Theatres, Assembly-Rooms, Bridges, &c. do not yield in magnificence to those of any capital in Europe. In the year 1678 the population of Edinburgh was 35,200, in 1791, 84,886!".
So much for beggary and de population!
These fagacious patriots have been equally corre& in their account of the increased weight of Taxation sustained by Scotland in consequence of an Union.
“ The truth is, (says the sensible author of this letter, a Scotsman himself, our means and our capacity have increased in a much higher ratio than our burdens ; as the wonderful advancement in every article of political wealth and prosperity demonstrably shews. In every case where a new tax was to be imposed, which was to affect the united kingdom, the proportion was fixed even with a partial indulgence of the English Members themselves, to a country which they considered as slowly advancing in its political growth, and needing, like a weakly child, a continued exertion of the care and tenderness of its parent. The affertion that the fuit impositions of the Malt Tax in Scotland, was an infringement of the articles of Union, is founded entirely in a piece of sophistry, urged, indeed, at the time, but which met with its just disregard. It was ftipulated by the treaty of Union, that the Malt-Tax should not be extended to Scotland during the continuance of the present war.' In 1793, when the Bill was brought in for extending that tax to Scotland, it was allowed that the articles of Peace had been settled between Great Britain, France, and Spain, and the ratifications folemnly exchanged; but it was captiously objected, that Peace had not been formally proclaimed. It may be be. lieved that an objection so truly frivolous met with its just disregard.' So much for British infidelity!
that the means of Scotland has increased in a greater pro. portion than her burdens, it is only necessary to state, that the gross revenue from the Customs, at the period of the Union, was £30,000 and, in 1798, £433,679 185. 8id. The gross revenue from the Excise, (which was wholly absorbed in defraying the expence of the Civil Establishments of Scotland,) at the Union, was £. 33,500, and in 1798, £ 702,470 55. remitted to the British Exchequer, after paying all the expences of the Establishment! " The actual produce of the Lands of Scotland has, since the Union, been increased fix fold.” The author then proceeds to demonftrate the falsehood of the affertion,