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• The faith, the courage bold, to dwell fully must know hy - in short, On doubts that drive the coward back, And keen through wordy snares, to track

must be persuaded. And nothing Suggestion to her inmost cell.'

will accomplish this sooner than a

perception that there is in the pulThis I believe to be part of the work pit a sympathy with, and knowledge of every section of the Christian of, the intellectual difficulties which Ministry. I know, dear brethren, I dare to say all men that read and our great work is 'to save souls.' think much, must have. The fact Blazon that in letters of crimson and that they have been fronted, thought gold upon the record of our marching over, and perhaps met, by the Preacher orders. But in doing that we must of Christ, is a hand let down to help seek, from a higher platform of the soul up the crags of doubt, to knowledge, to mould by anticipation faith. the sentiments of the people on

I know that all this involves ingreat moral and theological subjects. tellectual labour; and I rememberIt is

our duty to the future, could I forget ?—the arduous duties which is in the present folded

of our ministerial life : the preparafast.' "'Tis law as steadfast as the tion for and work of the Sabbath, throne of heaven, Our days are

from four to six weeks of ticket reheritors of days gone by. Yes! let newal; pastoral visitation; visitation us first, and by all means, save souls: of the sick; the immense social dego down to the masses and compel mands of our people—to say nothing them to come in. But, brethren, we

of the business detail which falls have amongst us

& growing and terribly to the lot of some, in a spreading culture which we dare not measure to the lot of all. Can we, neglect.


be asked, with all this do as But, say some of you ; and I re- you advise ? Not all of us. But spect the saying : Will not preaching there are young, keen, broad and Christ do all ? Declare the old stalwart minds amongst us, and to truths : The wages of sin is death ;' those I say · Yes.' • He that believeth not shall be I am not a “parlour geographer," damned ;' 'Believe on the Lord Jesus or a 'drawing-room dragoon.' I give Christ, and thou shalt be saved.' Are the results of experience. Everynot these truths as mighty as ever ? thing depends on having a resolve;

Yes! a thousand times yes ! But on moderately early rising; and time, we cannot ignore the eager truth- to the uttermost of possibility, conseeking attitude of certain minds. served and parcelled out ;

and we They have tried to believe. But a shall inevitably find that earnest subtile spiritual diagnosis will per- intellectual industry for the benefit ceive that they must be met upon

of our people is correlated with their own ground. They are earnest happiness. and real, but their minds to believe

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(Concluded from page 131.) Mr. Sadler's first speech in Parlia- published conjointly as a pamphlet, ment produced an immense effect, has scarcely ever been equalled. both in the House and on the country. Almost every town of any consideraIt was made exactly a week after tion had an edition of its own, his return for Newark

some twenty unusually large impresnounced in the Gazette. He was sions were eagerly bought up

in elected on the 6th of March, 1829, London alone, and more than half a Gazetted on the 10th, and on the million of copies were calculated to 17th made his debut. Lord Brougham, have been purchased in a few days. in his autobiography, declares that if This sudden renown was unquesoratory is to be estimated by its effects, tionably owing, in great measure, to that first speech of Michael Thomas the fact that the nation was just then Sadler in the House of Commons at a loss for a mouthpiece to give was the greatest success in the Parlia- impassioned and commanding uttermentary history of his own times. ance to its sentiments and convicThe leading ministerial newspaper,

tions on a question of great urgency though supporting the opposite views, and moment; nearly all the famous pronounced that this earliest effort speakers of the day having given placed him at once in the first rank their voice against the Protestant of parliamentary orators.

policy of some three centuries. Almost all the leading speakers on Whilst we would not claim for the the other side, Lord Palmerston eloquent linen-merchant a place side amongst the rest, occupied themselves by side with the long-practised masters mainly in endeavouring to break the of senatorial speech, we cannot blind force of the arguments and appeals ourselves to the beauty or be insensible of the honourable member for New- to the force and unappreciative of ark.' Sir James Mackintosh mentions the enduring importance of many this speech as one of the notable glowing passages. We give an extract events of his time. The speech dealt, characteristic of his style of oratory : of course, with the great question of his reply to the main ministerial the day, Roman Catholic Relief, to his argument ; premising that it is only local advocacy of which he owed the given as a specimen : request to represent a borough in What is the apology for this strange Parliament. On the thirtieth of the course ? It is expediency....... It same month he delivered a second when a temporizing minister of an ancient speech on the same subject, which,

people was anticipating the difficulties of

their situation, and making, in his day, his though at least equal to the former

“ choice of evils” and appealing to the in weight and point, yet, lacking what dangers to be apprehended from the intermay, with a pardonable paradox, be ference of foreign power, as do the advocalled the prestige .of


a maiden

cates of the present measure, that he

determined an unexampled act was to be speech, and being weighted with the

perpetrated lest“ the Romans should come extravagant expectations raised by

and take away our place and nation." " It the first essay, naturally produced, is expedient,” said he, “that One Man in the House itself, a less startling

should dic !Sir, Protestant Ascendency

is now the victim : Expediency is still the effect. The impression made on the

priest. The sacred principle for which country, however, by the two speeches, our fathers struggled so doubtfully and long,


which they deemed cheaply purchased at jected to a severe analysis, made a the expense of life—that principle which has planted liberty, civil and religious, of

fierce attack not on Mr. Stuart's the press as well as of the conscience, in

motion, but on Mr. Sadler's book. this happy country, which has watered Mr. Sadler, though so unexpectedly the sacred plant so profusely with its best assailed, forthwith disabled and disblood ; which has diffused its light abroad till it has rendered this country the pre

armed his adversary with an agility ceptor of mankind, which has nerved its and strength which called forth arm and manned its heart in the hour of enthusiastic applause. The following danger, and made it the champion as well account of this passage of arms apas the exemplar of freedom—that principle which has fostered the learning, liberated

peared in Blackwood's Magazine for the genius, warmed the charities, purified August, 1829 : (p. 234 :) the morals of this great Protestant nation, a principle “the noblest,”'as the great Chat

* Mr. Sadler possesses a promptness and ham exclaimed, “ for which ever monarch dexterity which render his resources readily drew his sword, or subject shed his blood,"

available in the emergencies of debate, and is about to be sacrificed from a cowardly

cause his most expert and experienced apprehension of dangers, which, however, adversaries to feel that he is not to be the advocates of this measure do not pretend

taken at fault, and that he is always prethat it will dissipate, but only change ; not pared to give a reason for the faith that is remove, but-perhaps-postpone. It is to in him. Perhaps no one would be more be surrendered to expediency!'

inclined to acknowledge this than poor

Wilmot Horton. That pertinacious experiWhatever view one may have been

mentalist was not easy until he selected led to take of the measure which

Sadler for single combat in the House, and

called upon him-a thing somewhat unSadler so fervidly opposed, the meed usual—to answer in propria persona for of genuine oratory will be conceded certain allegations respecting the Emigrato this bold and flashing peroration.

tion Committee which were contained in

his work on Ireland. The answer was Extravagant expectations were

accordingly given, and the baffled querist formed of the future eminence of the

was put to silence, if not to shame. It was man who had made şuch a magnifi- so fully, so eloquently given, as to give cent beginning. It was confidently

rise to the suspicion that the question, prophesied that he would become a

instead of being a stratagem to take him

by surprise, was a contrivance concerted for potent voice in Parliament.' But

the purpose of enabling him to appear to when he entered the House he was in advantage. But that suspicion Wilmot his fiftieth year, and he had to mate

Horton himself speedily removed, by the himself with university-men, of noble

impertinent and unseemly repetition of his family, like Stanley, (the late Earl of

interrogatories. He was again in the field,

(on the 4th of June,) and armed at all Derby,) of the highest professional points, he again threw down the gauntlet distinction, like Brougham, of superb to his reposing conqueror. Sadler met him and richly cultivated genius, like

again at a moment's notice, and his figures, Macaulay. But if he did not satisfy into fragments at the Ithuriel touch of the

both arithmetical and rhetorical, shivered unreasonable demands, it must not be weapons employed by his calm and resoluto supposed that he sank into insignifi- assailant, whose manly understanding decance or mediocrity. He spoke often

tected the sophistry, and whose honest

English feeling exposed the inhumanity of and always with effect. On the 7th

a system, the cruelty and injustice of which of May he evinced rare quickness, is only equalled by its absurdity and extrafacility and resource as a debater. vagance. To Wilmot Horton's credit be Mr. Villiers Stuart suddenly intro- it spoken, that from that day forth he asked duced a resolution on Mr. Sadler's

him no more questions.' favourite question—a Poor Law for At the close of the Session Mr. Sadler Ireland. Thereupon, Mr. Wilmot received a deputation from the town Horton, Chairman of the Emigration and port of Whitby, where he says he Committee, whose Reports Mr. Sadler, had not a single personal acquaintance, in his work on Ireland, had sub- requesting his acceptance of the

honour of a Public Dinner as a homage ical economists of the day, that they to his high character and splendid are not inconsistent with, and do not talent.' The newspapers of the day in any wise impinge upon, the latter : report that the dinner was attended

• It is not put forth on behalf of the by every individual of note in

poor as a right to a division of any part Whitby, with about three exceptions.' of the real property of the country ; on

During the Session of 1830, Mr. the contrary, it is urged in perfect consisSadler took part in the debate on the

tency with all the just claims of property, Address and in many subsequent dis

however rigidly maintained and by whom

soever expounded. It simply implies a cussions. On the 3rd of June, he real and indisputable right, that after the brought forward his motion for the institutions of the country have sanctioned equalization of the sister-island with the monopoly of property, the poor shall

have some reserved claims to the necessaour own country as to a national pro

ries of life ; and that those claims shall vision for the destitute; to quote be available only in the case of those who his own moderate and simple words : may be smitten with sickness, and conse* The establishment of a system of

quently incapable of labour ; disabled by Poor-laws in Ireland, on the principle

age or incurable disease, who can there.

fore labour no more; of infancy, which, of that of the 43rd of Queen Eliza- left parentless and destitute, makes so beth, with such alterations and im- touching a demand upon our care ; of that provements as the course of time, and

state of wretchedness so common in Irethe difference in the circumstances of

land, when those who are most willing,

and even anxious, to work, can nevertheEngland and Ireland, may require.' less obtain no employment : that these

His leading points were : 1. “The should be relieved in some humble measure, absolute necessity of such a provision so confined, if you please, that the right as regards the labouring classes of

thus recognized shall make but a small in

road upon the amount of wealth which England. 2. “ The necessity of assimi

shall be called upon to administer to these lating as much as possible the insti- necessities ; nay, on the contrary, when tutions of the two islands. 3. The duly understood, should actually increase mass of misery occasioned to Ireland,

its advantages. Finally, that all assist

ance should be administered in the form by absenteeism, "exorbitant rents and

of remunerated labour, wherever the the ruinous and oppressive system of applicants are capable of it ; to those who underletting to which it gives rise.' are anxious to earn their pittance by the

sweat of their brow.' 4. The consequent flocking of Irish labourers to England, overstocking He next glances at the recog-our own labour-market: Thus the nized right to legal relief of the want of a legal provision for the poor citizens of Greece and Rome, and at of Ireland operates as a grievous the still more liberal and far more injury to those of England. He then imperative and direct institutions of appeals to justice and mercy on be- Moses ; and to the example of the half of that island which, though primitive Church.' After quoting forming an integral part of the richest the judgment of the greatest intelempire in the world, stands forth as lects, he disposes of the false notions one of the most striking examples of some modern speculators on politiof misery which Europe presents.” cal economy, e.g. : that all provision Under the head of justice, he lays for the poor should be voluntary ; or down the main principle of his phi- that labourers' wages should be taxed lanthropic, Christian policy, which in order to form a fund for their made him the great champion of relief when out of work, the rights of poverty,' as the neces- pealed to the spirit of Christianity, of sary correlative of the rights of pro- which 'Charity is its very boast.' perty. He clearly defines the former, He admitted that it may be doubted *proving, against the Malthusian polit- whether, in some of its forms, the

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provision has not been carried to a Multitudes of the poor wretches found culpable excess, increasing and per

themselves destitute, in their utmost need,

of all relief whatever. Even mendicancy petuating, by actual and permanent

failed them : they carried infection with temptations to idleness and improvi- them, and were no longer received. Many dence, the poverty it was intended of them, cleared and driven from their only to relieve. He insists on the native homes, were repulsed when they

songht refuge in the town, and had not antiquity of this provision as an

where to lay their head. Some of them English institution, being one of the indeed crept into fever-huts which were wise and benignant regulations of suddenly erected on the sides of roads, and Alfred,' the founder of our liberties.' in open spaces, where the diseased, the He points to the extent and splen- ... Where was that national charity which

dying and the dead were crowded together. dour of endowments for the poor 'in in England would have been a very pre. Roman Catholic countries, and to the sent help, and wonld have stood between preferable system,' which prevails in the living and the dead till the plagne was Protestant lands, which connects

stayed ? It was wanting. The distant

sympathies of the Empire were indeed moral superintendence with charitable awakened ; at least, all but those of the relief.' He says : ‘Even Iceland, absentees. But it came too late : the poor as she is, is not too poor to have

victims had finally escaped. Nor can the a law for the relief of the indigent. apologists for sach a state of things make

the excuse He especially instances America, are unexpected. The experience of cenwhere the most liberal and efficient turies is full upon this awful subject. And system of legal charity ever estab- yet men oppose themselves vehemently to lished is in full operation,' and the

a provision which it would be the first

business of every civilized State in the practice of Moslem nations and of

world, in similar circumstances, to estabheathen China. " Whichever way

lish ! But it is not on these seasons of we turn, therefore, we see a system

distress that I ground my argument in of national charity completely estab

favour of a legislative provision for the

poor of Ireland. These are but occasional lished, except in one country, and heavings of the misery which has constantly that, in our own European Empire, afflicted Ireland; the swelling of that and in that very part of it where such dark abyss of suffering which never an institution is more than in any

abates, over which a spirit of despair is

perpetually brooding, and rousing the other indispensably necessary.' He troublous element to renewed agitations' clenches this part of his argument with the saying of our great moral- He then, by most startling statisist, Dr. Johnson : “A decent provi- tics, contrasts the general rate of sion for the poor is the true test of

mortality in Ireland with that in civilization."

England and Wales; and demands: The motion, being opposed by the Government, was lost ; but was

• What is the havoc of pestilence and renewed next year by Mr. Sadler, war compared with the aggregate of the and again opposed by Mr. Stanley,

victims of unrelieved poverty? And bethe late Earl of Derby, who, how

fore this constant and silent devastation

has done its final work, what sufferings ever, 'could not conclude without

does not this state of things imply? expressing his persuasion that an “Few and evil" are the days of human opinion in favour of Poor Laws was pilgrimage ; but beyond the lot of mortalevery day gaining ground in Ireland, ity, to these poor Irish those few days are and that to an

thus diminished, and their evil thus em. extent which no

bittered. What can be the cause of this Government could or ought much aflictive state of things in a country whith longer to oppose.' In his second forms part of the richest empire upon speech, Mr. Sadler drew a powerful

carth, and where, therefore, such sufferings picture of the ravages of the Irish

are heightened, and humanity itself in.

sulted, by the unnatural contrasts perpeta, line-fever in 1817 :

ally exhibited ?


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