Imágenes de página
PDF
ePub

si queredes/Aquestos vinte dineros por el, si lo vendedes Dixieron: Contentos somos, con que l'omp(e)resionedes (José, 28a) 1; — Mas el conde don Aluaro daquella razon non quiso oyr nada, nin reçebir ende nenguna cosa, nin acogerse a ello, sinon con tanto que ell inffante don Fernando ... fuesse dado a la su guarda (Cr. G., 7133,6).

al amigo (Guev., 204,13). — In the Old Spanish period clauses of proviso were usually introduced by sol (or solo que) : sol que non sea mal non dexes de lo fazer (Lue, 17,14). Cf. Cantar, II, § 198,2. Tanto que is also found : E los iuezes preguntaron a los doze judios si otorgauan aquello e ellos dixieron todos que lo otorgauan tanto que Sant Silvestre nombrasse a grandes uozes a Ihesu Nazareno el crucifigado, porque oyessen ellos abiertamientre que por el nombre daquel se ressucitaua el toro (Cr. G., 1903,4). In the earliest texts que, without solo (or tanto), is found. Cf. Cantar, loe. cit. — For usage in the Quijote, cf. p. 248.

1 The version published by Menéndez Pidal reads : Plazenox, dixi(y)eron ettosJKon Ke lo enp(e)rexi(y)onex (39c).— For examples of con que in modem Spanish and the Quijote, cf. pp. 20,248.

SECTION II

PREPOSITIONAL COMPLEMENTARY

CLAUSES AND RELATED CONSTRUCTIONS

IN THE " DON QUIJOTE"

CHAPTER I.
PRELIMINARY REMARKS

In the use of the prepositional complementary clause and related constructions the Quijote shows a more decided resemblance to the modern Spanish than to the texts studied in Section I. In certain particulars, however, the status in the Quijote reveals an intermediate stage between the situation in the texts prior to Cervantes and that in Galdos. The general features of the usage in the Quijote as compared with that in each of the periods already studied will be indicated in the following paragraphs.

1. THE USE OF THE PREPOSITIONAL COMPLEMENTARY CLAUSE. With regard to the prepositional complementary clause itself, the usage in the Quijote is very similar to that in modern Spanish. With but few exceptions of a minor character, examples are found in every category, in which they occur in modern Spanish 1. In a number of important categories, however, they are relatively less frequent in the Quijote than in Galdós, because of the concurrent use in these categories

1 For the sub-categories poorly represented or entirely lacking in the Quijote, ci. pp. 187, 191, 202, 215.

of the older constructions, chiefly the direct complementary clause 1.

One striking feature of the use of the prepositional complementary clause in the Quijote is that, in comparison with the situation in Galdós, so many of these clauses are found preceding their governing elements 2. The abuse of this stylistic trick leads to anacolutha of the type mentioned on p. 238.

2. PREPOSITIONS THAT INTRODUCE COMPLEMENTARY CLAUSES. Arranged in the order of the frequency of occurrence, the following prepositions introduce complementary clauses : de, a, en, con, por, and sobre. This coincides with the status in modern Spanish 3.

3. DIRECT COMPLEMENTARY CLAUSES USED AFTER GOVERNING ELEMENTS THAT TAKE PREPOSITIONAL NOUN OR INFINITIVE COMPLEMENTS. In the Quijote the direct complementary clause is frequently used where in modern Spanish the prepositional complementary clause is employed 4. This use of the direct complementary clause is largely confined to examples in Group I, where it occurs with approximately the same frequency as the prepositional complementary clause. Consequently, in this respect, the usage in the Quijote occupies an intermediate position between that of the earlier texts, wherein the direct complementary clause was the more frequent construction, and that of the modern Spanish, in which the direct complementary clause occurs but sporadically 1.

1 Cf. §§ 3, 4, and 5, below. — The prepositional complementary clause with the anticipatory demonstrative pronoun, (1. е., the de lo que, daqutllo que, en esto que, etc. type; cf. p. 109) does not occur in the Quijote.

* Cf. pp. 203, 211, etc.

8 De and con occasionally introduce supplementary clauses in the Quijote. Cf. pp. 247, 248.

* Cf. Cejador, Leng., I, p. 428 for examples covering clauses in Group I. Cuervo, throughout the Diccionario de construcción y régimen, cites examples of this use of the direct complementary clause. Cf., for instance, I, 172b, 308b, 559a; II, 462a.

Occasionally in the Quijote, as in the texts in Section I, the que of the direct complementary clause is omitted 2. Cf. serán tantos los caballos que tendremos después que salgamos vencedores, que aun corre peligro Rocinante no le trueque por otro (I, 18 ; II, 41) 3; — yo le respondí turbado y apriesa temoroso no me faltase lugar para responderla (I, 27; II, 364); — dicen algunos que han leído la historia que se holgaran se les hubiera olvidado a los autores della algunos de los infinitos palos que en diferentes encuentros dieron al señor don Quijote (II, 3 ; IV, 88); temíase no hubiese tratado sus amores con alguna indecencia (II, 3; IV, 84) 4 ; — será llevada a los eliseos campos donde estará esperando se cumpla el número del vápulo (II, 35; V, 239).

4. PREPOSITIONAL SUPPLEMENTARY CLAUSES USED INSTEAD OF PREPOSITIONAL COMPLEMENTARY CLAUSES. The use of the prepositional supplementary clause where modern Spanish normally employs the prepositional complementary clause, while not so extensive in the Quijote as in the Old Spanish texts, is, nevertheless, more frequent than in modern Spanish 5. The examples in the Quijote are confined to para que clauses, which, in the main, occur after verb phrases such as dar lugar, ser parte, etc 1. But the majority of these governing elements are, as in modern Spanish, more frequently followed by the prepositional complementary clause 2. The usage in the Quijote does not differ materially from that in the texts of the sixteenth century.

1 Cf. pp. 21, 112.

1 Cf. Cuervo, Dice, I, 309a, 559a, etc. for further examples from the classic period.

3 For discussion of the « superfluous » no in this example, cf. Rodriguez Marin, pag. cit., and Bello, Gr., § 983 cf; also note 3, p. 143.

4 Cf. Cejador, Leng., I, p. 410, for examples of the omission of que after transitive verbs.

» Cf. p. 22.

5. OTHER CONSTRUCTIONS USED INSTEAD OF THE PREPOSITIONAL COMPLEMENTARY CLAUSE. Only one example of the proleptic construction occurs in the Quijote : de allí le sacaré a pesar del mismo mundo que lo contradiga (I, 44; III, 308) 3. No examples of prepositional infinitive clauses corresponding to prepositional complementary que clauses or of prepositional complementary ca clauses are found 4.

6. PREPOSITIONAL COMPLEMENTARY COMO CLAUSES. Prepositional complementary como clauses are not very frequent in the Quijote, and the situation with regard to these clauses is essentially similar to that in modern Spanish 5.

Note the occasional use of de como in chapter-headings. Cf. De cómo salieron con su intención el Cura y el Barbero (I, 27) ; — De cómo el gran Sancho Panza tomó la posesión de su ínsula y del modo que comenzó a gobernar (II, 45). Cf. also : II, 72 and II, 74. But in II, 44 we read : Cómo Sancho Panza fué llevado al gobierno y de la extraña aventura que en el castillo sucedió

1 Cf. pp. 220, 224. — The para que clause also occurs after servir. Cf. p. 23.

2 Cf. pp. 206 ff.

* Gould, Subj. p. 17, includes this example in his treatment of a pesar de que clauses.

4 Cf. pp. 121 ff.

5 Consequently they will not be differentiated in treatment from prepositional complementary que clauses, as was the case in Section I. Cf. p. 122. De como and en como clauses of the type mentioned on p. 122 do not occur in the Quijote.

« AnteriorContinuar »