"Yet, hear me speak!" sad Peter said, "And as thou likest my speech, So deal with me!"-" Well, then, be brief, What hast thou now to preach " "No more but this," quoth Peter then, "Spare me but till my death, Put what thou seekst into thine bands

I'll use for thee my breath.
"More souls along with me, I'll bear
To hell than twenty devills,
Ay, be they the most cunning ones

In the most cunning evills!" [Fiend-"Shall I once more"-then quoth the "Then trust thee on thy word? Well, swear!"-and Peter swore an oath As deep as e'er was heard.

64

By the Black River, Lucifer,
The same thy lord swears by,

I swear!-and when I'm buried-mark

Heed me attentively—

Either within the church-without-
Or in the porch or yard,

Street, field, or highway-I am thine,
My soul is thy reward!"

"Well, in the hope that thou wilt gain Me many souls to thine,

Take thy repose, and rest thee well

But then, thou'rt surely mine!"AND how did Peter die ?-Behold,

His hair is hoary white,

His limbs are weak, his blood is cold,

His eyes are dim of sight!

Peter perceived his hour was come,

And in the CHURCH-WALL made
His death-bed, and both day and night,
He rested there and prayed.
And when the moment was nigh come
Matter and inind to sever,
The Devil went to him again,

To claim his soul for ever.
"Wherefore, art thou not on the work
Thou swarest to complete ?
By Satan!-thou wilt rue it-why,
Thou Devil, for deceit !

To ruine the people, and murther the King; He had been advanc'd to a high degree, Had not death, like a cheater, cozened

HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 25.

Mr. Brougham stated, in explanation of what passed the preceding evening, relative to the point of the Liturgy having been brought forward at so late a period of the negotiation, that as soon as her Majesty knew of the omission of her name, through the Gazette, she immediately addressed a letter to one of his Majesty's Ministers, to complain of it. This was the state of the fact, and he felt it incumbent on him to bring it before the House. Lord Castlereagh admitted that he had been informed of such a letter having been received by a noble friend of his.

June 24.

The House met, in order to receive the Answer of her Majesty, which was delivered at the Bar by the Members of the Deputation (see it in Part i. p. 558). As soon as it had been read, General Ferguson inquired of Lord Castlereagh, whether the Commission which collected evidence against the Queen at Milan, was public or private, or was appointed by the Crown? Lord Castlereagh declined answering the question.

HOUSE OF LORDS, June 26. Lord Dacre presented, from the Queen, the following Petition:

To the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled. "CAROLINE R.. The Queen having been informed that proceedings are about to be instituted against her in the House of Lords, deems it necessary to approach your Lordships as a petitioner and a fellow subject. She is advised, that, according to the forms of your Lordships' House, no other mode of communication is permitted. Now, as at all times, she declares her perfect readiness to meet every charge affecting her honour; and she challenges the most complete investigation of her conduct. But she protests in the first place against any secret inquiry and if the House of Lords should, notwithstanding, persist in a proceeding so contrary to every principle of justice and of law, she must in the next place declare, that even from such an unconstitutional course she can have nothing to apprehend unless it be instituted before the arrival of those witnesses whom she will summon immediately to expose the whole of the machinations against her. She is anxious that there should now be no delay whatever in

:

finishing the inquiry; and none shall be occasioned by her Majesty. But the Queen cannot suppose that the House of Lords will commit so crying an injustice as to authorize a secret examination of her conduct in the absence of herself and her Counsel, while her defence must ob, viously rest upon evidence which for some weeks cannot reach this country. The instant that it arrives, she will intreat the House of Lords to proceed in any way they may think consistent with the ends of justice: but, in the mean time, and before the first step is taken, her Majesty desires to be heard by her Counsel at your Lordships' Bar this day, upon the subject mat ter of the Petition."

Lord Dacre then moved, that her Majesty's Counsel be called in, which was immediately agreed to; and Messrs. Brougham, Deuman, and Williams, appeared at the Bar.

In the Commons, the same day, Lord Castlereagh moved an adjournment of the debate on his Majesty's Message.

Mr. Brougham expressed, on the part of her Majesty, the satisfaction she felt that the time was fast approaching when her conduct would undergo public investigation.

Colonel Palmer considered the omission of the Queen's name in the Liturgy not only unjustifiable towards her Majesty, but most improper in this Government, at a time when they complained that revolu tionary principles, disloyalty, and infidelity, were gaining ground in the country.

Mr. B. Bathurst observed, that the appointment of a Secret Committee had been proposed because the subject of inquiry was of a most delicate nature, and because many circumstances might otherwise be divulged which would defeat the end of that inquiry.

Mr. Tierney said, it now appeared that the House was to be absolved from the inquiry, and that it was to be transferred to another quarter. But the Noble Lord was not entitled to ask for relief from that difficulty in which his own rashuess had involved the House, the Crown, and the Country. Mr. Tierney then proceeded at considerable length to defend the Queen, and censure the Ministry.

Mr.

Mr. Martin (of Galway) defended Ministers.

Mr. Stuart Wortley did not blame her Majesty for rejecting their mediation; she had full liberty to do so; ou the contrary he admired, and no man of feeling could refrain from admiring, the magnanimity with which this illustrious female had acted, not only on this but upon all other occasions. But to put off this inquiry for six months, or, in other words, for ever, was a proceeding which could never satisfy the House, the Country, or either of the illustrious individuals who were parties to it. (Hear.)

Mr. Wilberforce regretted that her Majesty had rejected the proposed mediation of the House of Commons: he conceived that the rejection was owing to her own high and proud feeling, and not to the instigation of her legal advisers. He would now state his opinion, that any Secret Committee of that House to sit ia judgment on her Majesty's conduct would be totally anadvisable. (Loud cheering.) If there were any means of avoiding this inquiry, which he really thought there were not, he would willingly embrace them; but as it was, he thought it better that the Lords should undertake the investigation, because they were already a court of justice.

An amendment was moved to the motion of Lord Castlereagh by Mr. Western, that the Debate should be adjourned to that day six months, but it was negatived by 195 against 100.

HOUSE OF LORDS, June 27.

Earl Grey inquired of Ministers whether any thing had occurred to induce them still further to delay the meeting of the Secret Committee.

Lord Liverpool said, that, after the arguments heard the preceding day in support of her Majesty's Petition, he thought it proper to allow 24 hours for considering whether any change should be made in the course of their proceedings. For himself, after the fullest consideration, he saw no reason for departing from it.

Lord Grey then, at great length, addressed the House against the proceeding by an inquiry before a Secret Committee. He concluded by moving, that the order, of the meeting of the Secret Committee to consider the papers referred to their Lordships be discharged.

Lord Liverpool vindicated the general conduct of Ministers from the sweeping censure of the preceding speaker; and with regard to the present subject, strongly contended, that their conduct had been consistent with the principle on which they set out, namely, that it was desira. ble, if possible, to avoid going into an inquiry, but if that could not be effected,

then that it must, as a choice of evils, be entered into, on the grounds and in the manner already sanctioned by the House. Any doubts which he might have originally had as to the construction put on the Statute of Edward III. by the noble and learned Lord on the woolsack, had been completely removed by all the legal authorities to whom he had access. impeachment for high treason was there. fore out of the question.

An

Lord Erskine, after the proceedings which had taken place in the House of Commons, and her Majesty's anxious wish for a public trial, would retract the vote which he had previously given for proceeding before a Secret Committee. He was also of opinion that the omission of her Majesty's name in the Liturgy, whilst she was acknowledged as Queen, was illegal.

The Lord Chancellor always thought the construction of the Statute of Edward III. by Lord Coke, a forced one; but at all events it was not applicable to the case of adultery committed abroad, and with a foreigner. His Lordship then, at considerable length, repeated the arguments which he had urged on a former occasion in favour of preliminary inquiry by a Secret Committee. But neither in that inquiry, nor in any proceeding which might grow out of it, would he ever lose sight, for a moment, of the substantial principles of English justice. Whatever course of proceeding the House might choose to adopt, he should enter upon it in the spirit so ably described by an eminent English judge, who declared that he had made a covenant with God and himself, that neither affection nor any other undue principle should ever make him swerve from the strict line of his duty. In that spirit he had always endeavoured to act during the past, and should endeavour to act in the future. The consciousness of doing so would be the best consolation he could possess, if he should appear to the friends whom he esteemed to act wrongly, and would form his best title for pardon at the hands of that God, before whose tribunal all mankind must sooner or later stand to be judged.

In the sequel of the discussion, the motion was supported by the Marquis of Lansdown, Lord Belhaven, and Lord Holland, and opposed by Lords Donoughmore and Lauderdale.

The Archbishop of Canterbury denied that he was to be considered as the constitutional adviser of the Crown, with regard to the omission of the Queen's name in the Liturgy.

Lord Liverpool concurred in this opinion; which was controverted by Lords Holland, Dacre, and Grey.

Lord Darnley gave notice, that be would

would submit a motion on the subject of the omission alluded to.

Earl Grey's motion was then negatived by 102 to 47.

In

HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 28. Mr. Brougham addressed the House on the subject of the Education of the Poor. He testified his cordial thanks to the 11,000 Clergy of the Established Church for the returns which they had made ou this subject. From them he had formed that digest now in the hands of Members; but in order to the proper understanding of which it would be necessary for him to prepare a key. After alluding to the grossly erroneons calculations of Dr. Colquhoun as to the number of Poor uneducated in Great Britain, he proceeded to show that the project of universal Education was not one of modern date. France, in the year 1582, under the reign of Henry III. the States General met, and the noblesse of the day presented a petition to the Sovereign, praying that pains and penalties might be imposed upon those who would not send their children to School; and nearly at the same time the Scotch Parliament (perhaps the most aristocratical body then in existence) passed a law, that every gentleman should send his eldest son at least to School, in order to learn grammar. In Scotland, indeed, it appeared that public Schools had been established in many towns as early as the middle of the thirteenth century. The extension of Learning had always been patronized to the lower orders. It was singular that the arguments recently advanced by pious, but mistaken men, against general Education, had been first adduced by Mandeville, an infidel and an atheist, in 1714. It appeared, that in the endowed and unendowed Schools of England, there were means of educating 655,000 children; now this was one-fourteenth of the popu lation; but the number of children should be taken at one-ninth or one-tenth, and here was only provision for one-fourteenth or fifteenth; besides, from the 655,000 was to be deducted 33,000 children, who were at dames' Schools, where they learnt next to nothing; this would reduce the number educated to one-sixteenth; and even here, previous to 1802, none of the new Schools, those under the Bell and Lancaster System, were established. They educated 180,000; and therefore, previcus to 1802, there was only education for 1-20th part. And in the principality of Wales the proportion was 1-26th; whilst in Scotland the proportion was 1-9h. The proportion in France, at present, was 1-28th; at present, there were 1,066,000 children educated; whilst, in 1817, there were only 866,000. Here was an extraor

dinary improvement; for in two years, above 7000 Schools had been established by private exertions only; and in ten years, if they went on improving, then there would not be an uneducated person in France. In Switzerland there was not one person in 60 of any rank, who could not read writing. And in Holland there were 4151 Schools, and provisions for educating 1-10th of the population. The Hon. Member then proceeded to take a review of the Sunday Schools; there were 400,000 in those Schools, but not more than 100,000 of these children could be added as going to any other School, and therefore that would make the whole uumber educated 700,000, leaving 1-5th of the population without education. He would next look to the return of the number of Schools, and it would appear from the returns that there were 3500 parishes in England in which there were no Schools, either endowed or unendowed; whilst in Scotland there was an endowed School in every parish. He would next look to the state of Middlesex; and here, excluding the dames' Schools and the new Schools, instead of one-fifteenth, the proportion would be one forty-sixth only. The next county was Lancashire, and here the proportion was one-twenty-eighth; whilst the average of Durham, Cumberland, and Northumberland, was one-tenth, and of Westmoreland one-eighth. In the six midland counties, the average was 1-24th; next the Eastern, Suffolk, Norfolk, and Essex, the average was 1-21st; Somerset and Devon was 1-24th. Now, taking into consideration the population of the neighbourhood of the sea coast, and the avocations, it would be found that crime kept pace with the want of Education. In the four Northern counties the proportion of Poor was as one in 15; in the other counties the Poor was as one in 11. In the whole kingdom the average of commitments for crime was as one in 1400. the four Northern they were as one in 4200; in the six midland, the commitments were as one in 2100. The Hon. Member went on to state the proportions in other counties. In the four Northern counties 37,000 children paid for their education, whilst 16,000 did not pay. In the six midland counties, 16,000 paid, and 28,000 did not pay. The proportion was equally disadvantageous to the other counties in England, compared with the Northern; and in Scotland, few indeed took Education for nothing; the peasant of Scotland would stint himself in necessaries, to give his child food for the mind. He wished he could see this spirit restored in England; but that could not be under the present system of Poor Laws. It existed in Scotland, but extend the Poor Laws to that country, and it would exist there

In

there no longer. He had taken a long time to frame his Bill, which would be found to agree with the documents on the table. His plan was divisible into four branches. The first related to the foundation of the Schools; the second to the appointment and the removal of the masters; the third to the admission of scholars; and the fourth had for its object the improvement of the old education endowments. With reference to the first branch, he proposed to give the initiative in the appointment of a Schoolmaster to four different classes. The first was the Grand Jury at the Easter Sessions, finding or presenting a Bill that the district was deficient in a School; the second was the Clergyman of the parish; the third was two Justices of the Peace; and the fourth class would be formed by five householders in the district. After going into a variety of subordinate details, he came to the question of expence. According to the ratio of the Schools in the county of Devon, the total outfit would be 850,000. But, according to the ratio of Cumberland, the expence would only be 400,000l. giving an average of half a million; and the annual expence would at an average amount to 100,000l. The Hon. Gentlemap concluded by moving for leave to bring in a Bill for the better Education of the Poor in England and Wales.

After some observations from Lord Castlereagh and others, the motion was agreed to.

Mr. Daly called the attention of the House to the disturbed state of Ireland, and moved for a Select Committee of Inquiry; but after a general conversation, in the course of which Mr. C. Grunt and Lord Castlereagh deprecated the renewal of the Insurrection Act, the motion was withdrawn.

June 29.

Mr. Chetwynde, with the leave of the House, brought in a Bill to abolish the punishment of whipping female offenders in any case whatever. It was read a first and second time.

Lord John Russell addressed the House at some length on the grievances of the inhabitants of Parga, whose case, from the repeated discussions thereon, must be familar to our Readers. The British Consul had estimated their property at 277,000l. but Sir T. Maitland had sanctioned a subsequent estimate which reduced it to 150,000. and of this sum they were obliged to accept payment in Turkish alloy. After some observations on the conduct of Sir T. Maitland, his Lordship concluded with moving for a memorial, presented to the Secretary of State for the Colonial Department, by two natives of Parga, and for certain copies of, or ex

tracts from, the dispatches of Sir T. Maitland.

Mr. Goulburn vindicated the conduct of the British Government, and contended that the Pargauites had received a fair compensation for their losses.

Sir R. Wilson and Mr. Hume said, the Parganites were dissatisfied, and our character suffered in the eyes of Europe, from an impression that they had not received the protection promised them.

After a few words in reply from Lord J. Russell, the motion was agreed to.

Mr. Maxwell presented a Petition from Benjamin Wills, honorary Secretary to the provisional Committee for the Encouragement of Industry, praying that Parliament would take some steps to provide the people with proper employment, and thus prevent them from falling into that state of degradation which must inevitably ensue, if they were not able, by their la bour, to support themselves. Mr. M. then addressed the House, at some leugtb, on the distresses of the working classes, and particularly by those engaged in the cotton manufacture. If, instead of expending public money on canals, along which there was no commerce to pass, or on harbours frequented by no ships, Exchequer Bills were applied in providing lands for those who could obtain no employment at their looms, much benefit would result both to a numerous class of individuals, and to the public revenue. For the money thus expended, the settlers might be willing to pay a mortgage inte. rest of 10 or 12 per cent. besides the obvious improvement of the revenue, by their increased consumption of taxable articles. Would it not have been better to have expended 400,000. in this way, than in building additional barracks, and raising additional troops in order to keep down a starving population? The Hon. Member then suggested a tax on absentees, and on foreign cooks, French lacqueys, and Swiss porters. He concluded by moving, that a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the nature of the distress of the cotton weavers, and the possibility of affording relief.

Mr. F. Robinson said, that if the House entertained the proposition of the Hon. Member, it would be turning itself into a rival of the College of Laputa. No practical good could result from a Committee appointed on such principles; to suppose that it could, was a gross delusion. If the motion were persisted in, he should move the previous question.

Mr. Vansittart seconded the motion for the previous question; but after a few observations from Mr. Ricardo and Mr. Lockhart, disapproving of the appointment of the proposed Committee, Mr. Maxwell Fos'poned his motion until next session.

HOUSE