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Part II.

The ordinances of July 1830 did not the hereditary and royal powers of the surprise M. Casimir Perier. But state, he should succeed in restoring what would be the conduct of France that equilibrium which even Casimir with respect to them? That was the Perier could not but feel had been dequestion with him—and he was re- ranged. M. Casimir Perier resolved, solved not to be the leader of the Op- when the ordinances appeared, on reposition. Was resistance legitimate? maining a spectator. He could not Did not the 14th article of the Charta believe that a Government, making of 1830 fully enable the King to re- such ordinances, and committing such sort to the measures he had enacted ? measures, was unprepared to defend And, were not the intentions of the them; and he had too great a horror coalition such as to compel Charles X. of civil war to encourage, even by a to avail himself of the special powers look, any other than what he termed a conferred by that article? Why did legal resistance. The ordinances apCharles X. make the ordinances in peared on Monday. He remained at question ? To gratify an inordinate home the whole day, and took no part love of power and domination ? His at the meetings of political clubs, worst enemies do not accuse him of or even private assemblies. On the that. To carry into effect a long pre- evening of the second day, Tuesday, meditated attack on the Charta of some young men waited upon him at 1814, and on the constitutional liber- his house and asked him to give then ties thereby conferred? There is no a signal, a drapeau, a word, a sign. evidence to establish such a pre- “ What would you do?” he replied; sumption. To gratify the Ultra Ro- “ do you think, then, that the Gomanists and the Court? Charles X. vernment, when it made such ordi. was not the dupe of that party, though, nances as these, did not propose, first to avoid the infidelity and irreligion of of all, the forces to defend them? And the popular leaders, he preferred the have we the thunderbolts of Heaven Roman Catholic ascendency. Did he at our command to strike them? No; make the ordinances in question with those who made the ordinances have, the intention of establishing perma- doubtless, large forces to defend them; nently a new form of Government in our resistance can only be a legal, beFrance ? This is not probable; and, fore the Chambers, the Tribunals, and indeed, to the end of his days, the mo- at the Electoral Colleges.” Thus, narch declared that he was friendly to from the testimony of Casimir Perier the constitutional form established by himself, it is evident that if the Prince the Charta. Why, then, did he make de Polignac and his coadjutors had the ordinances of July? It was be- taken those steps which it was expectcause he was satisfied that the Cham- ed they would have done, to defend ber of Deputies and the Press had the ordinances they counselled the formed a coalition to overthrow the King to make, the ordinances would principle of a constitutional govern- not have been overthrown by an unment-viz., that of three powers in armed populace, and an arrangement the state, intending to usurp for the would have been made which would representative power in the Govern- have secured to the Crown its herediment the rights which belonged to the tary and legal rights, and to the ChamChamber of Peers, as well as those bers their just but defined privileges. which belonged to the Crown. It was But the Ministry that counselled the because the monarch believed that ordinances did not dare to tell the France sincerely desired a constitu- King that it was probable they would tional monarchy, and not a sham be resisted by brute force. Thus all republic — because he believed that military precautions were omittedFrance was attached to her princes; the command of the city and the troops and because he thought that by taking was left in inefficient hands—a few this decision to stand against the en- proletaires” and “ gamins” swelled croachments of the representative, or their ranks—and a mere emeute of journeymen printers became a revolu- ed to the public place, he no longer tion !

remained at home; “ We must save As soon as the ordinances appeared, the remains of the monarchy at least," Lafitte and his party sent to all the he exclaimed ; and by his energy and environs of Paris, twenty leagues influence he prevented the continuance round, agents eharged to ascertain the of a civil war. He counselled some number and names of the regiments faithful, but abandoned battalions, no marching to the capital, or within its longer to resist, since that resistance reach. These reports were transmit would be useless. He spoke of a king, ted, by various means, to the head- and a monarchy, when no one else quarters of the Rue Lafitte—then the dared to mention the words; and Rue d'Artois! These reports were when the populace and the revolutionfavourable to the Revolution. They ary leaders wished to confer unlimited communicated the astounding fact that power on the municipal commission, po troops of any importance were to he refused to accept ihe offer which be found_that the Government had was made, and distinctly stated that all left itself to the mercy and sympathy he should do would be purely of a of the most democratical populace in municipal character, reserving to the the world—and that the precautions electors and the Chambers the right taken by the Government were not of establishing a general Government. more than those which would have The last platoon of the royal guards been taken in the event of some serious had not left Paris before his mind was strike among workmen, or of some filled with apprehension at the then apmobs on account of a scarcity of palling state of the country. It was work, or a rise in the price of bread. without a Government—all was anar

From that moment, i. e, from Tues- chy; and but one thought then filled day evening, when these reports ar. his mind-it was to re-establish order. rived from many and sure agents, the This thought never abandoned him to Revolution party resolved on attempt- the last moment of his life. He had ing a physical resistance. Up to that not made the Revolution, and they had moment it was purely moral. But M. not sufficiently trusted him. This Casimir Perier was no party to a phy- want of mutual confidence had been a sical resistance. On the contrary, he great evil. Such men as Guizot and waited on the Ministers on Wednes. Perier might have adorned any Go. day, endeavoured to prevail on the vernment, and their devotion would Cabinet to counsel the King to with have been as sincere as their counsels draw the ordinances, and resorted to would have been beneficial. every wise and honourable measure to Casimir Perier was one of the first prevent, if possible, the effusion of to recognise the right and the fact of blood. Wednesday was a day of a new royalty. Admitted immediately doubt to all parties. The Deputies at into the counsels of the Lieutenant. Paris vainly met, and vainly protested. general, and then of the King, he took In the evening, some faithful servants one of the most active parts in the of the Royal Family waited on Casi. decisive acts of that epoch. Presimir Perier, and endeavoured to pre- dent of the Elective Chamber, he prevail on him to raise his voice to sented to Louis Philippe the Constituquell the tumult. He consented to tional Charta, which he swore to before do so, on one condition, viz, that the God and his country. But he felt ordinances were withdrawn. The that this was but the mere commencenext day his wishes were complied ment of his duties. It was necessary with, and he was appointed Prime to secure the repeal of the old dynasty. Minister. But the mob had defeated It was necessary to obtain at least the the troops—the paving stones had tri- non-resistance of France to the Revoumphed over the cannon, and the race lution. It was necessary to re-estabof Hugues Capet was dethroned by lish and maintain material order, the the fatal word of the chief of the Re- authority of the laws, the action of an volution, Lafayette, who replied to Administration, and to show to Europe Count D'Argout, It is too late." something like the form of a Govern

When, on Thursday the 29th July, ment. Something yet more difficult 1830, Casimir Perier perceived that was necessary, for it was essential to the army had joined the mob, and that govern this Revolution. The work the populace was triumphant, he rush- was new in France, and it appeared impossible; but Casimir Perier brought be unstained with the blood of innoto it all the power of a vigorous and cent and unoffending victims. No one manly mind, and all the energies of a had deplored more sincerely than he deep and settled, as well as energetic had done the assassination of Louis conviction.

XVI. and the butchery of Marie AnThe Revolution of 1830 was re. toinette, and he had a horror of regarded by Europe not only with sus- volutionary scaffolds. He regarded picion, but with hate. This was just the Revolution of 1830 as a great neand natural. One Revolution had cessity, which could only be justified scarcely been closed, and France had by the moderation of its character, by hardly begun to enjoy the benefits of a the abstinence of its agents from all constitutional and mixed Government, sorts of extravagances—by the wis. when a new abyss opened, and new dom of its measures, and the tempehorrors presented themselves to the rance of its demands; and by, in fact, view. The chiefs of that Revolution showing, by its conduct and conversawere well known. Their manœuvres tion, that it did not desire to annul had long attracted the attention of the treaties, to break through engageNorthern Powers. The Governments ments, to disturb neighbours, to plot of Europe were not wholly taken by against thrones, to unsettle the minds surprise, except as to the moment of of other people and the institutions of the convulsion, and they were prepa- other nations, but that its unique obred at once to decide that the watch- ject to establish in France a conword should be “RESISTANCE." This stitutional monarchy, with a prince on word " resistance” was that of Casi. the throne, chosen because he was a mir Perier. He resolved rather to die Bourbon, and because he was a man a victim to order than to live the slave of firm character, energetic mind, and of anarchy. He determined rather resolute habits, having a large family to perish on the revolutionary block of sons to succeed him, and thus to than be linked to the revolutionary car. establish a new and a permanent dyHe knew France-her first revolu- nasty. tion-her public men—her parties- There can be no doubt that Europe her causes of complaint-her preju- viewed with dismay the Revolution of dices—her aversions. He knew that 1830, and it is as true that nearly all France was wholly unfitted for re- the Governments resolved not only to publican or popular government, and resist Propagandism in their own he had suffered too much himself in states, but likewise to attack and dehis own proud and independent spirit stroy that spirit and party in France. from the despotism of the empire, to The almost simultaneous movements desire to see re-established the Impe- in Belgium, Poland, Germany, and rial regime. He was not, therefore, on the Spanish frontiers, demonstrated at all surprised that the first move- to the northern and southern Government of foreign powers should be to ments of Europe that, whatever might distrust the Revolution, distrust all be the intentions of such men as Louis who had been concerned in the Oppo Philippe, and his servants Casimir Pesition, either in or out of the Cham- rier, M. Guizot, Baron Louis, and the bers, under the Restoration. Yet he Duke de Broglio, those who may be knew, as far as he was personally con- said to have made the Revolution of cerned, that he had never desired the 1830, to have prepared it and conductoverthrow of the dynasty of the Bour- ed it, were also en mesure to carry the bons, and had never conspired with fire and the sword into all neighthe Orleanist party, from 1820 down- bouring states. They were resolved, wards, to place that Prince upon the coûte qu'il coûte, on maintaining the throne. He had been a member of Revolution the work of their hands, the Opposition, it was true, but he had and it was for Europe to decide whenever belonged to a cabal. Casimir ther, to avoid and avert the tremenPerier, in his early interviews with dous evils of a general conflagration, the Lieutenant-General, always direct it would consent to the independent ed the conversation to the necessity of existence of the new French dynasty. paying more attention to the opinions It was clear to Casimir Perier that of Europe, and less to those of the Europe would consent to no such populace. He was, above all, desir- thing, unless France should first prove ous that the Revolution of 1830 should by her conduct that she had no desire to disturb the Governments of sur- caractères de la Revolution en France, rounding states. Europe had not dis- comme en Europe." turbed France, but France had dis- This policy was the only one which turbed Europe. Europe had no gua. was suitable to the Monarchy of the rantees to offer to France, but she re- 7th August. The very first day it quired them from her. Europe was was the secret policy of the Duke of disposed to listen to proposals -not to Orleans. But what obstacles were make them. Casimir Perier felt this. there not to vanquish! What prejuHe therefore proclaimed the necessity dices to overcome, or even to gratify! for declaring, that France, in making And still more, what illusions to disher Revolution, had no intention to vio- sipate! Those who made the Revolate existing arrangements, or to break lution of 1830 were perpetually exexisting treaties.

How dangerous, claiming, “ The Revolution of 1830 however, was such a declaration to the will make the circuit of the world !" throne of Louis Philippe ! for her Bar- and the frontiers of France were alricades had hardly been removed, ready, in imagination, transported to the populace was still in arms, and the Rhine and the Alps—to Savoy « Vive la Pologne !" was the cry y from and the Rhenish Provinces ! The the Manche to the Pyrenees.

crown of Belgium was to be placed on The real revolutionary party in the head of the Duke de Nemours, and France desired sincerely and truly an the throne of Greece to be offered to the European war. This they did not Duke d’Aumerle, the Prince de Joinconceal. They only wished for a pre- ville, or even to the

baby boy, the Duke text for the re-enactment of 1793. de Montpensier. The treaties of 1814 But there was another party scarcely were to be torn to pieces as waste paless dangerous, though somewhat less per-a new division of Europe was to wicked. It was a party which, in or- be made by France-and we heard der to defend the Revolution of 1830 every morning, from the National, the from foreign attack, maintained that Tribune, and even from the Courier it was indispensable " to carry the Français, "les rois s'en vont.A policy war into the enemy's country.” This so directly opposed as was that of party required that Mina and Valdez Louis Philippe and of Casimir Perier to should be encouraged to get up a civil these views and these wishes could not war in the Basque Provinces, in order then be put into practice without a to divert the attention of Spain from counter-revolution, and could not be France. That the cause of the Poles proclaimed without the most imminent should be defended, in order to occupy danger. Many repelled such a policy the attention of Russia and Prussia. without understanding it, and many And that the Italians should be aided more desired its success, without dar. in their attempts to free themselves ing to hope for it. Though it was the from Austrian Governments, and that only reasonable and the only truly the Governments of the Duke of Mo- French policy, yet it was not the modena, the Duchess of Parma, and of the ment to proclaim it. Doubtless, the Papal States, should be overthrown. inmost thoughts of all reasonable men This was called by Lamarque, Constant, were in its favour, but, at any rate, it Lafayette, Lafitte, and the whole of did not appear on the surface of public the revolutionary party, “ The system opinion. The smoke of the Barricades of self-defence ;" and Casimir Perier still covered the country, and the ruwas invited to adopt it. But the in- mours and noise of a passing opinion vitation was not listened to, and Casi. appeared to the ignorant to be as the mer Perier replied, “ La paix est pos- echo of the cannon of the Hotel de sible, et le moyen de la maintenir est Ville. que la France soit calme et son gou- This line of policy, adopted in the vernement regulier, si la guerre doit first Council of Ministers of the new susciter l'anarchie, à plus forte raison King, often prevailed. It inspired wise l'anarchie enfanterait la guerre. Que measures and excellent speeches, but la France reprime les soupçons, les in the state of uncertainty in which it ressentimens ; les alarmes d'un patrio. was placed, it was often obliged to tisme ombrageux ; la paix depend de make concessions, as it frequently had sa sagesse, et la politique qui la pacifie to submit to sad disappointments. au-dedans, est aussi la seule qui la ga- The exigencies of foreign powers berantisse au dehors. Defensive et came necessarily greater in proportion conservative, tels doivent être les as the revolutionary party appeared to

gain ground, and the Ministry of the to the Revolution, Hitherto thou hast
7th of August, 1836, was overthrown! proceeded, but thou shalt proceed no
Whilst member of that Cabinet, M. further. Still, some discussions of an
Perier made known, on various and im- important character had brought the
portantoccasions, his firm and unchang- two opposing systems before the coun-
ing convictions; but he preserved a try, and yet the Ministry hesitated
great degree of reserve on ordinary mat- what course to take. Casimir Perier
ters—satisfied in his own mind, that the presided over these debates with an
time had not come when it would be inflexible severity. His face was pale
either prudent or practicable to pro- and sad. He saw the cloud in the
claim, insist on, and enforce a Con- horizon. He knew that the storm
servative policy. His retreat from would be terrible_but he resolved,
office exalted the apprehensions of Eu- when the proper moment came, that
rope and the alarms of wise and mo- he would face it.
derate men. He was surrounded, con- The evil increased. He witnessed
sulted, looked up to—his wisdom in- its progress, yet he still decided that,
sured him respect—his popularity with though it was time to expose, the
the middling classes caused him to be moment had not arrived to combat it.
consulted. « Il n'est pas temps ; c'est During four long months he watched,
trop tôt; sachez attendre”—he repeat- night and day, the progress of the evil,
ed day after day to those who urged and his mind was perpetually occupied
him to come forward, and to make a with the question. He saw that
stand against the hurly-burly, confu- France had still her illusions—that
sion, agitation, and next to anarchy still they were too near the noise of
which prevailed. The Ministry of the the Revolution to hear the small still
2d November, 1830, with M. Lafitte voice of peace and of order—and in
at its head, was formed, and M. Casimir the long conversations he had with a
Perier became once more the Presi- small number of friends, he always
dent of the Chamber of Deputies. led the discussion to this question, and
Soon after the Revolution, he had ced- spoke with the anxious tone of a man
ed these functions to M. Lafitte. He who deliberated on the salvation of
now returned to them—and the Cham- his country, and on the glory of her
ber was as much in need of his reso-

To those who pressed him to lution as was the Cabinet itself. act-to make a stand, and not to suf

The Lafitte Ministry was feebleness fer the Revolutionary party to proceed personified It wished, or professed further, he always replied, Il est trop it wished, for the Monarchy and for tót, le temps n'est pas venu.Often peace, but it knew not how to enforce did he refuse to his political friends at the conditions of peace or of the Mon- the Chamber of Deputies, when prearchy: How could it! For M. La- sident, the permission to speak on infitte, the revolutionist banker and con- significant subjects, lest, through such spirator, to have proclaimed himself a debates, the great and decisive quesConservative would have been too tion should be prematurely, and, therepreposterous ; so he took to tricking, fore, injuriously discussed at the public but it did not succeed. When does tribunal. Emeute after emeute took it? All the wisdom and prudence of place, but the Lafitte Mmistry had Louis Philippe and of the Duke de disposed of the fate of the ex- Mi. Broglie were necessary to avoid a nisters of Charles X., and this terrible rupture with Europe-for every day affair was heard and decided. At length some new occasion was offered for an the moment approached when it be. open war.

France was ignorant of came indispensable to know whether her peril. She imagined that because France was to be governed by Paris she did not really desire war, therefore mobs in the streets, composed of anarthat the Propagandism of her parties, chists, thieves, and “ proletaires," or and the conspiracies of her revolution whether there were to be a regular ary leaders, were but of little import- throne, regular laws, a regular go

She forgot that example is vernment, a regular army, and the dangerous, more dangerous than pre- institutions at last promised by the cept; and she did not perceive that Revolution and Charta of 1830. The public opinion was all at sea—that subject could admit of no longer delay, the state vessel was without a pilot- and the emeute of the 13th of Februthat there was mutiny on board—and ary, 1831, decided the question. that the Chambers did not dare to say The Emeute of 13th February, 1831,


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