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the Allies at the present moment, even | his interest as he could have wished; I am supposing they should have forgot the fate afraid that there is not a single treaty in of the Duke of Bruuswick, who, upon their existence which might not be set aside on own principles, was driven out of France the same ground; and if such a principle because he meditated the conquest of that were once admitted, mankind, in the precountry? Are the Allies certain that none sent state of the world, need lay themselves of the feelings which at that time influenced out for no other occupation than that of inthem, now occupy their minds? Are not terminable war. France then invaded Rusthe acquisitions which Sweden has obtained sia, because Russia violated her engageat the expense of Denmark, a pledge that ment with France. In acting thus, France others of the confederation are to share a conformed to the laws of nations, and to the portion of the spoil? Time, perhaps, will admitted policy of European states. Buoshow whether we have been mistaken in naparte cannot be accused of burning Mosour conjectures. But in the meanwhile cow; he could not prevent that conflagracan it be believed that Buonaparte was so tion; the only thing he could do was to mad as to calculate upon retaining Moscow, punish those he found active in executing and of annexing all the countries he had the decree which occasioned it. But such conquered in his progress to that capital, is the enmity some men bear towards him, to the French empire? No man of com- that even this act, which in any other sonon sense, can believe this, without also vereign would have been extolled as an act admitting that it is the intention of the of inflexible justice, was condemned in him Emperor Alexander, to annex the German as an instance of savage barbarity. His States which he has overrun, to his own subsequent stay at Moscow was evidently dominions-nay, even France itself, should occasioned by an expectation, that the he be so fortunate as to succeed in planting Court of St. Petersburgh would renew her the Russian Eagle on the walls of Paris. alliance with France. When he saw there What then was the motive which led remained no hopes of this, he resolved on Buonaparte to Moscow, and where are we withdrawing his army; but here, the hand to seek for a disclosure of his views? of Heaven, which had done so much for When we wish to discover the intentions of him, and on more than one occasion, had any Power, we always look for these to their enabled him to dictate a peace in the capipublic documents; at least this is the rule tal of his enemy, determined, at last, to which generally obtains, and we see no reaarrest his career, and to send him back to son why it should not be adopted as to France, his people, stript of his laurels. If they Now in the Exposé published by Buonaparte had been indignant at Buonaparté for his previous to setting out on his expedition to failure in this expedition, now was the Russia, it was distinctly stated, that the time to show this. But, instead of blamonly cause of renewing hostilities against ing him, they applauded his conduct; for, Alexander, was his violation of the treaty in a few months after, we find him, by of Tilsit; and in all the subsequent decla- the prompt levies which were raised, again rations of Buonaparté, he insisted upon able to take the field, and obtaining new that infraction alone, which the Court of victories over the enemies of France. Every Russia never denied, or even attempted to thing, therefore, has hitherto demonstrated palliate. If the infringement of treaties the falsehood of the assertion, that Buonathen is recognised, in the laws of nations, as parté is unpopular among his subjects on a justifiable cause for going to war, why account of his disasters. Let us now exshould Buonaparté be abused for availing amine whether the charges of cowardice, himself of it? Or why should his sub- of a foolish temerity, and of being actually jects wish to dethrone him, for pursuing ignorant of military tactics, which are so the same line of policy pursued by other lavishly brought against him, ought, in monarchs? There is nothing in the argu-justice, to be applied to Buonaparte. If sucment, that France had dictated terins to Russia when Russia was prostrate at her feet; because all the powers of Europe have, at one period or another, acted in a similar manner. If treaties, deliberately and solemnly entered into, are not to be respected by the contracting parties, be cause one of them may afterwards find that some of the terms are not so favourable to

cess is to be regarded as the criterion of valour, and the want of it a proof of cowardice, then is Buonaparte to be held a coward, for he not only did not succeed in his views against the Allies, but he found it necessary to abandon all the advantages he had obtained, and is now, in turn, obliged to defend his own territory against the attempts of those he formerly invaded.

But if this rule be adopted in the case of
Buonaparte, we cannot avoid applying it
to all other cases of a similar nature. What
shall we then say of the Dunkirk and the
Helder retreats? or the famous Walcheren
expedition? Are we to infer, from these
disasters, that the commanding officers
were cowards? Or in what light are we to
consider the conduct of Marquis Welling-
ton, when he found himself obliged to make
a precipitate retreat to Torras Vedras ?
The news papers were loud in extolling
this movement as a proof of his superior
skill. Nothing but the Fabian exploit was
talked of every one was louder than an
other in sounding the praise of the Noble
Marquis, for the generalship he displayed in
escaping from the clutches of Massena. But
how could the public he so stupid as to
pronounce this circumstance a proof of mi-
litary skill and valour in our general,
when, at this day, they regard a similar
retreat by another general, as evidence of
cowardice? This nation were once dispos-
ed to allow General Moreau credit for his
skill in managing retreats. Amidst all the
honours, however, which the sovereigns
of Europe are conferring upon his memory
for making common cause with them
against his own country, I do not see that
they can avoid detracting from his merit, if
the rule by which they now determine
cowardice is to be held inviolable. For
my part, I admit of no such rule, and,
therefore, cannot subject myself to the
inconsistency in which its supporters ne-
cessarily involve themselves. I consider
the character of Buonaparté for valour, too
well established before the battle of Leip-
sic, to be overthrown by that event.
be, instead of maintaining his ground, and
giving battle to his opponents, fled from
the field without firing a shot, I might then,
perhaps, have subscribed to the charge;
but finding him, amidst the innumerable
difficulties with which he was surrounded
-pressed on all sides by troops superior to
his own in numbers and discipline; and
struggling to counteract the defection of his
Allies, whose forces constituted his chief
strength; I cannot but admire that un-
daunted courage which led him to risk a
battle in such trying circumstances, and
that superior knowledge of military tactics
which he displayed in securing the retreat
of so large a portion of his army, after
the fatal result to him of that memorable
battle. Had any other general than Buo-
naparté extricated himself in the manner
he did from so many perils, his name

would have been immortalized; and the historian, in detailing the events of that tremendous day, could not fail to record, as a proof of the great talents of the man who was forced to yield only to superior numbers, that treason existed in his camp; that at the moment victory hovered over his standard, the desertion of at least a third of his troops, who instantly turned their arms against him, was the real cause of his quitting the field. This fact is too notorious to be denied: it was admitted in our government bulletin, which first announced the retreat of Buonaparte: it was afterwards acknowledged, though with apparent reluctance, in the dispatches received by government from Lord Cathcart, and Sir Charles Stewart; and it was fully confirmed by the French bulletins, which, upon that occasion, were generally ad mitted to contain a faithful report of the extent of Buonaparte's disasters. It is true, every exertion has been made, by a servile and prostituted press, to obliterate the impression which this fact was calculated to produce on the minds of the people of this country. Knowing well that it was sufficient of itself to protect the reputation of Napoleon, the editors of all our newspapers carefully kept it out of view, while they dwelt with exultation on the profound dispositions, the extraordinary military talents, and the undaunted bravery of the Grown Prince of Sweden, who, it is now gravely asserted, far surpasses his former master in every quality essential to the formation of a great man, and an able general. But although this sort of deception is attended every day with a success exceedHading the most sanguíne expectations of those engaged in practising it, we are not to suppose that the people of France are ignorant of the true cause of their reverses; or that they are so infatuated as to hate their sovereign because he could not command victory when it was impossible to command it, and because he could not avert calamities which no other human being could either foresee or prevent. But supposing Buonaparte had been fairly beaten by equal numbers, I cannot admit that even this would have afforded a just cause for his subjects to revolt against him. Neither do I see how the man that thinks differently can; consistent with his opinion, avoid censuring the inhabitants of Russia, of Austria, and of Prussia; for these people not only tolerated their sovereigns after they had been repeatedly humbled by France, but even, in the midst of these disasters, evinced the greatest regard

France, as what are every day promulgated by the press of this country. It cannot be surprising then if other nations entertain more correct ideas as to the conduct and policy of their rulers, than what are entertained by the majority of Englishmen. Nor will it appear any way extraordinary, if, in opposition to what has been so often asserted here, the rest of the people of Europe should concur with me in believing, that the subjects of Buonaparté neither hate him, nor desire a change of sovereigns.

OFFICIAL PAPERS.

FRENCH PAPERS.

Paris, Dec. 27.

IMPERIAL DECREES.

and affection for them. If Buonaparté is, that great monster, which the public journals represent him to be, how could the good people of Russia look upon Alexander with indulgence, after being contaminated, as he must have been, by his frequent personal interviews with the "Corsican"during one of which, the sovereign of all the Russias actually embraced the "vile caitiff?" Or how could the Emperor Francis justify himself to his subjects, for sacrificing his beloved daughter, by giving her in marriage to "the most unprincipled tyrant that ever disgraced human nature?" The devotion of the Prussians to the successor of the great Frederick; to that monarch, whose numerous and well disciplined armies were so recently and so often defeated by the French, is so great, we are told, that they actually adore him; so much so, inPalace of the Thuilleries, Dec. 26, 1813. deed, that, like another celebrated person- Napoleon, Emperor of the French, King age whose name is so famous in modern of Italy, Protector of the Confederation of annals, it was with difficulty this beloved the Rhine, Mediator of the Swiss Confedemonarch escaped suffocation when he en- ration, &c. We have decreed and do detered his capital, such was the eagerness of cree as follows:-Art. I. There shall be the ladies to embrace him. These patriotic sent Senators, or Counsellors of State, into females were, no doubt, prevented from the military divisions, in quality of our demonstrating, in this way, their loyalty to Commissioners Extraordinary; they shall so good a king; but so high was their en- be accompanied by maitres des requetes, or thusiasm, so determined were they to sup- auditors.II. Our Extraordinary Comport his cause, in spite of all his misfor- missioners are charged with accelerating, tunes, that we are positively assured, upon 1. The levies of the conscription. 2. The the authority of the Spanish minister, resi- clothing, equipment, and arming of the dent at Berlin, 66 every Prussian female has troops. 3. The completing of the providelivered up her jewels and trinkets to the sioning of fortresses. 4. The levy of horses treasury to support the war." If the peo- required for the service of the army. 5. ple of Russia, of Austria, and of Prussia, The levy and organization of the National could shew so much indulgence, and so Guards, conformably to our decrees. Our much attachment to their governments, as said Extraordinary Commissioners shall be we see they have done, notwithstanding all authorized to extend the dispositions of the their reverses, is it reasonable to suppose said decrees to towns and places which are that the French nation, for whom Buona- not comprehended in them.III. Those parté fought so many battles, gained so of our said Extraordinary Commissioners many splendid victories, and who conferred who shall be sent into countries threatened upon them a Constitution which is the envy by the enemy, shall order levies en masse, even of his enemies? Can it, I say, be sup- and all other measures whatever, necessary posed, that they will not succour him in his to the defence of the country, and comdistress, and submit to every sacrifice which manded by the duty of opposing the proa grateful, a brave, and a high minded gress of the enemy. Besides, special inpeople ought to make, to enable him to re-structions shall be given them, according to cover his fallen fortunes? It is impossible the particular situation of the departments but what they must; unless, indeed, we can to which they belong.IV. Our Extrabelieve they are prepared themselves to sub- ordinary Commissioners are authorized to mit, and to look with indifference upon order all measures of high police, which the submission of all Europe, to a worse circumstances, and the maintenance of pubdespotism than that which the revolution of lic order, may demand.- -V. They are France so effectually annihilated.- -The likewise ordered to form military commistruth is, there is not a people in this quar- sions, and summon before them, or before ter of the globe among whom such gross the special courts, all persons accused of and barbarous notions prevail respecting favouring the enemy, of being in communi

cation with him, or of attempting the pub- | lic tranquillity.-VI. They shall be authorized to issue proclamations, and pass decrees. The said decrees shall be obligatory upon all citizens. The judicial authorities, civil and military, shall be bound to conform themselves to them, and cause them to be executed.-VII. Our Extraordinary Commissioners shall correspond with our Ministers upon the objects relative to each service.VIII. They shall enjoy in their respective capacities, the honours allowed them by our regulations.IX. Our Ministers are charged with the execution of the present decree, which shall be inserted in the bulletin of the laws.

(Signed) NAPOLEON.

By the Emperor,
The Minister Secretary of State,

(Signed) The Duke of BASSANO.

Palace of the Thuilleries, Dec. 16, 1813. Napoleon, Emperor of the French, King of Italy, Protector of the Rhenish Confederation, Mediator of the Swiss Confederation, &c.- -In consequence of our Decree of this day, we have named and name for our extraordinary Commissioners.-[Here follow the names.]

CONSERVATIVE SENATE. Silling of Monday, Dec. 27, 1813. His Serene Highness the Prince ArchChancellor of the Empire President.In the name of the Special Committee appointed in the Sitting of the 22d of this month, the Senator Count de Fontanes, one of its Members, obtained permission to speak, and made to the Assembly the following report:

"My Lord,-Senators,―The first duty of the Senate towards the Monarch and the people is truth.The extraordinary situation in which the country finds itself, renders this duty still more obligatory.The Emperor himself invites all the great bodies of the State to express their opinions freely a truly loyal idea!The salutary developement of those monarchical institutions, in which power centred in the hands of one, is strengthened in the confidence of all; and which, giving to the throne the guarantee of the national opinion, gives to the people in their turn the consciousness of their dignity, the too just reward of their sacrifices.Such magnanimous intentions ought not to be deceived. -Accordingly, the Committee named in your Sitting of the 22d of December, whose organ I have the honour to be, has

made the most serious examination of the official papers submitted to their inspection by the orders of his Majesty the Emperor, and communicated by the Duke of Vicenza.

He

-Negociations for peace have commenced; you ought to be acquainted with their progress. Your judgment must not be prejudiced. A bare enumeration of facts, by guiding your opinion, must prepare that of France.- -When the Austrian Cabinet had laid aside the character of a mediator; when every thing gave room to judge that the Congress at Prague was ready to be dissolved, the Emperor determined to make a last effort for the pacification of the Continent.- -The Duke of Bassano wrote to Prince Metternich. proposed to neutralize a point on the frontiers, and there to resume the negociations of Prague, even during the continuance of hostilities. Unhappily these overtures had no effect.. -The time when this pacific step was taken, is important. It was on the 16th of August last. The remembrance of the days of Lutzen and Bautzen was recent. This wish against the prolongation of the war may then be said to be in some degree contemporary with the date of two victories.- -The efforts of the French Cabinet were in vain; peace became more remote; hostilities began again; events assumed another face. The soldiers of the German Princes, but now our allies, shewed more than once, while fighting under our banners, a fidelity but too dubious: all at once they ceased to dissemble, and joined our enemies. From that moment the combinations of a campaign, so gloriously begun could not have the expected success. The Emperor perceived that it was time to order the French to evacuate Germany. He returned with them fighting at almost every step; and on the narrow route where so many open defections and silent treacheries confined his progress and his motions, new trophies marked his return. We followed him with some uneasiness in the midst of so many obstacles, over which he alone could triumph. With joy we saw him return to his frontiers, not with his accustomed good fortune, but not without heroism and without glory. Having returned to his capital, he turned his eyes from those fields of battle where the world had admired him for 15 years; he even detached his thoughts from the great designs which he had conceived. I use his own expressions; he turned to his people, his heart opened itself, and we read in it our own sentiments. He desired peace, and as soon

parate the cause of the people from that of
their governors, though the interest of so-
ciety has every where united them.-
May not this example be fatal? Should it
be given, especially at this period, when
people's minds, agitated by all the diseases
of pride, are so averse to bending under
the authority which protects them, while
it represses their audacity? And against
whom is this indirect attack aimed? Against
a great man, who merited the gratitude of
all Kings; because, by re-establishing the
throne of France, he has closed up the
crater of the volcano which threatened
them all.

as the hope of a negociation seemed pos- was not acknowledged till the 10th.sible, he hastened to seize it. The events In the interval a Gazette, now under the of the war led the Baron de St. Aignan to influence of the Allied Powers, published the head-quarters of the Allied Powers. to all Europe a declaration, which is said to be There he saw the Austrian Minister, Prince furnished with their authority. It would Metternich; and the Russian Minister, be melancholy to believe it. -This deCount Nesselrode. -Both, in the name claration is of a nature unusual in the diploof their Courts, laid before him in a cor-macy of Kings. It is no longer to Kings fidential conversation the bases of a gene-like themselves that they explain their ral pacification. The English Ambassa- grievances, and send their manifestoes. It dor, Lord Aberdeen, was present at this is to the people that they address them; conference. Observe this last fact, Sena- and from what motive do they adopt such a tors, it is important. -Baron St. Aig-new method of proceeding? It is to senan, being desired to acquaint his Court with all he had heard, faithfully acquitted himself of this commission.Though France had a right to hope for other proposals, the Emperor sacrificed every thing to his sincere wish for peace. He caused the Duke of Bassano to write to Prince Metternich, that he admitted as the basis of negociation, the general principle contained in the confidential report of M. de St. Aignan. Prince Metternich, in reply to the Duke of Bassano, seemed to think there was something vague in the ac'ceptance (adhesion) given by France. Then, to remove every difficulty, the Duke It must not be dissembled,' of Vicenza, after having taken the orders of that, in certain respects this extraordinary his Majesty, made known to the Cabinet of manifesto is in a moderate_tone. This Austria, that his Majesty adhered to the proves, that the experience of the coalition general and summary basis communicated has gained perfection.It may be reby M. de St. Aignan. The Duke of Vi-membered, perhaps, that the Manifesto of cenza's letter is of the 2d of December; it the Duke of Brunswick irritated the pride was received on the 5th of the same of a great people. In fact, even those who month. Prince Metternich did not answer did not join in the opinions prevalent at till the 10th. These dates must be care that period, when they read this insulting fully observed; you will soon see that Manifesto, found themselves offended in they are not without importance. Just the national honour. Another language hopes of peace may be conceived on reading has therefore been assumed. Europe fathe answer of Prince Metternich to the dis- tigued, has more need of repose than of patch of the Duke of Vicenza; only at the passions.- -But if there be so much moend of his letter he announces, that before deration in the councils of our enemies, the negociations are opened, it is necessary wherefore, while they continually speak of to confer about them with the Allies. peace, do they still menace our frontiers, These Allies can be no other than the which they had promised to respect, when we English. Now their Ambassador was should have no other barrier than the Rhine? present at the conversation of which M. de St. Aignan had been witness. We do not desire to excite distrust; we relate. We have carefully noted the date of the last correspondence between the French and the Austrian Cabinets; we have said that the Duke of Vicenza's letter must have been received on the 5th, and that the receipt

-If our enemies are so moderate, why have they violated the capitulation of Dresden? why have they not done justice to the noble complaints of the General who com→ manded in that place? -If they are so moderate, why have they not established the exchange of prisoners, conformably to (To be continued.)

Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent-Garden.
LONDON: Printed by J. M'Creery, Black-Horse-Court, Fleet-street.

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