member of the national legislature, he was explicit and active, on all proper occasions, for its support and increase; and he considered the responsibility and efficiency of a navy to be identified with a prosperous state of navigation. Frequently, he was one of the committee of the senate on the increase of the navy, and for the general naval concerns of the United States. As a debater, also, there were very few superior to Mr. Lloyd in the senate. He was master of the subject which he undertook to defend and support, and his speeches were clear, argumentative, pertinent, and usually powerful and eloquent.

Mr. Lloyd was candid in his opinions, and courteous and conciliatory in his deportment towards political opponents General Smith, of Maryland, and others, often bore public testimony to his impartiality and magnanimity as a politician, and they always listened to his statements and speeches with great attention. Yet Mr. Lloyd was far from being a temporizer in politics. He openly avowed his opinions, and firmly adhered to them, having formed them after due inquiry and consideration. And with all his courtesy, he had a very high sense of honor, and would not receive insult from any one, unrebuked or unnoticed. On one occasion, when a member of the senate was disposed to make trial of Mr. Lloyd's courage, or to deter him from the full expression of his sentiments on an exciting political question, he replied with proper resentment, but with equal firmness, and satisfied his opponent that he was not to be frightened from his purpose by violence or abuse; and with all honorable men his conduct was approved and applauded.

Mr. Lloyd was a member of the senate of the United States when war was declared in 1812; but he did not approve of that measure. Indeed, it was adopted by a small majority of the senate. Mr. Lloyd was of opinion, that the disputes between the United States and England could be better adjusted by negotiation than by an appeal to arms.

A part of the war Mr. Lloyd was a member of the executive council of Massachusetts, Governor Strong being then in the chair; and he approved of all the leading measures of that distinguished magistrate. Of the Hartford convention he had some doubts, as to its policy or expediency, but none at all of its abstract right, or consistency with a deep reverence for the constitution, and an equally high conviction of the duty of preserving the union. He supposed that it might afford occasion with some to pretend that the eastern states were in favor of a separation, and of their attachment to Great Britain-precisely the objections and charges made against that convention. It was his opinion that there was no such design, either in the members of that convention, or in their constituents. The result he considered moderate and wise, showing a supreme regard for the welfare and prosperity of the whole people of the United States, and manifesting the most ardent desire to preserve the union. Several of the members of that convention were intimate personal and political friends, in whose wisdom and patriotism he had the most perfect confidence.

When President Madison intimated, in a public message, that he feared some citizens were plotting against the union, in 1812, a resolution was passed in the senate of the United States, at the instance of Mr. Lloyd, requesting the evidence of such a plot, and the names of the persons who were concerned in it. Mr. Madison replied, that he had

no proof, and that no particular persons had been named as having such a design.

Mr. Lloyd was again appointed senator in congress from Massachusetts some years after the war, and continued until the state of his health obliged him to retire from public life. His former high reputation for intelligence, judgment, and patriotism, was not at all abated. His attention to public business was unremitting, and his wise counsels were not given without effect. In 1822-3, he devoted himself to explain and urge the claim of Massachusetts on the federal government for remuneration on account of the expenses of the militia in the war of 1812-15; and it is understood that he made a strong impression on the mind of President Monroe in favor of the equity of a reimbursement.

In his domestic relations, and in the circle of his friends, Mr. Lloyd was fitted to receive and to communicate happiness. The lady of his choice united intelligence with gentleness and delicacy of manners in a remarkable degree. She justly appreciated his worth, she could best approve his discriminating taste, nor be unaware of his high and honorable character in the estimation of his fellow citizens. On account of feeble health for several years of his life, Mr. Lloyd mixed less frequently than most others, of his property and standing, in large companies. But he administered "the rights of hospitality" to his visitors with much apparent cordiality, and with great felicity of manner. Some young persons of the present time might charge him with a degree of formality in his deportment: he was indeed precise, and always consulted decorum and propriety; or, perhaps, it might be more justly said, that they were habitual to his character from his early years. But his demeanor was not, therefore, unpleasant to his friends, who, with his peculiarly urbane and gentlemanly manners, never felt unduly restrained at his table or in his company.

The character and political opinions of the patriots of the Revolution, had the respect and admiration of Mr. Lloyd. His father had been friendly to the parent government in 1775, but not one of those who left their native country to put himself under the protection of the king. His submission to the British government was like that of many other aged men in that trying period, who, though friends of civil liberty, feared a more oppressive exercise of power over them if they were unsuccessful in their resistance, and of that there was some reason to fear. The aged, therefore, were generally disposed to submit; but the younger class, fortunately, had more resolution and more enthusiasm, and nobly resolved to resist or to perish. Mr, Lloyd early imbibed the principles and sentiments of the whigs of 1775, and, in theory and sincerity, was a true republican. But he was too wise to be a leveller, too great a friend to true liberty to be a radical, and had too much self-respect to flatter the ignorant for the sake of popularity. Mr. Lloyd passed several of the last years of his life in Philadelphia, where he had many valued friends, and died in New York in April, 1831, where he went to reside for a short time. Though he retired from the concerns of public life, his death was extensively and deeply lamented, and his memory is still cherished in many hearts with sentiments of high regard.

ART. VII.-POST-OFFICE REFORM-CHEAP POSTAGE.

THE readers of this Magazine are well aware, that Sir Rowland Hill has presented to the people and government of Great Britain a plan, by which he proposes to reduce the postage of letters in that kingdom, to the uniform price of one penny. The commissioners of the post-office having considered his proposition, and being satisfied that a reduction of postage could be safely made, have already commenced the preparatory arrangements to carry it into effect. As an experiment, they have reduced the postage of single letters to all parts of the United Kingdom to the low price of four pence.

The people of the United States, always ready to adopt measures of economic reform, and eager to open every avenue for the cheap and rapid diffusion of useful knowledge, have taken up the subject of cheap postage, and presented petitions to congress to abolish the franking privilege, and to reduce the present rates of postage. The public press has discussed this subject, and urged upon the representatives of the people the importance of immediate action. It was generally supposed that a subject of such vital interest to all classes of the people, and on which they had expressed so strong and decided an opinion in its favor, would have induced the post-master general to notice it in his annual report to the president, and recommend immediate measures to reform the present unequal and burdensome monopoly. But in this expectation they have been disappointed. This important subject is disposed of in the following summary manner:

"The radical change in the rates of postage on letters, recently adopted in Great Britain, has attracted much attention in the United States. To enable me to furnish congress with information on that subject, and all others connected with the post establishments in several of the most considerable European countries, I have dispatched one of the special agents of this department to Europe, with instructions to visit them in person, and furnish me with minute details of their organization and operations. Many documents, and some interesting particulars, have been received from him, but he has not yet been able to prepare himself to make a detailed report. As soon as such report shall be received, it is intended to submit to congress all the information it may contain, for their consideration."

On this paragraph of the report we are constrained to offer a few remarks. First, we consider it an unnecessary waste of time and money to send out a "special agent" to make inquiries on this subject. All the necessary information could have been obtained equally as well from our highly intelligent ministers at London, Madrid, Paris, Vienna, and Berlin. The books already published, and the manner in which the busi; ness of the London post-office is conducted in all its ramifications, could have been procured and forwarded to the post-master general without any delay or expense. And as there are no "state secrets" connected with the cheap system of postage, all the particulars and details could have been given to Mr. Stevenson without the least hesitation. But secondly, admitting that it was necessary to send out a special agent, we would ask, what has he been doing for nine months, that "he has not yet been able to prepare himself to make a detailed report?" This "special agent"

left New York, in the Great Western, last June; still he has not given sufficient information to enable the post-master general to report on this interesting subject!

The cheap postage system has been in operation in England several months, and even despotic, sluggish Austria, has followed the example; and yet the energetic and industrious Mr. Kendall has not moved one step in the matter except to send out a special agent, who, after a nine months' laborious research, has not been able to understand the system so as to make a "full report." Even the political opponents of Mr. Kendall have heretofore been disposed to allow him business talents of a high order, and his friends have confidently believed that he would eagerly seize the opportunity of introducing a reform in the rates of postage; but alas, he has, at least in this instance, disappointed both his friends and opponents

It is not our intention in this article to complain of Mr. Kendall, or his "special agent," but to show the absolute necessity of adopting immediately a cheap and more equal system of postage, and eventually a total reform in the post-office department-a reform which is necessary to make it more congenial to the spirit of our institutions, and the advancing knowledge and improvements of the age in which we live.

The post-office department in this country has never been looked to as a source of revenue, except during the last contest with Great Britain. Then the rates of postage were increased to raise a revenue to enable us to bear the expenses of the war; but as soon as it was ended, the postage was again reduced. All that has been required from the post-office is, that it should support itself. This it has always done, even when the revenue did not amount to a tenth of what it now is, and notwithstanding the immense increase of revenue, there has been no reduction in the rates of postage for the last twenty-five years. The business of the department has been so managed, that all its revenue has been more than expended, and according to the last report of the post-master general, the expenditures of 1838 were $4,621,837 16, being $386,759 19 more than the income, and the last year the" engagements and liabilities of the department were $4,624,117 86, being an excess of engagements and liabilities $147,479 30!" How is this? Surely the public interest cannot require such expensive outlays upon post routes that yield little or no revenue, and which can be of little use to the wildernesses through which they pass. Judging of the future from the past, should the revenue from postages amount to ten millions instead of five millions of dollars, the whole will be expended in affording "mail facilities" to those portions of the country where little or no revenue is derived, at the expense of the denser and more populous sections of the union. Let us be understood in this matter. We have no objection, while the present system exists, that congress should establish post routes through every portion of our territory, and even beyond the Rocky Mountains, but we do solemnly protest against compelling one portion of the community to bear this expense for the benefit of the other.

It is possible that one reason why Mr. Kendall did not recommend in his report the immediate reduction of postages, is that his department is now in debt! Three years since, he stated that he would have a surplus of fourteen hundred thousand dollars, after paying the debts in

curred under the lamented Barry's administration, and yet in the years 1838-9, the expenses of the department exceeded the income upwards of half a million of dollars! If poverty was the cause of his not recommending the measure, he should have said so, and not give this important subject the go-by, with merely stating that he had not heard from his agent. England, with her heavy national debt and enormous governmental expenses, is obliged to look to the post-office for a portion of revenue to meet these demands; still, with a promptitude that does the lords commissioners infinite credit, they have reduced the postage to a cheap and equal rate throughout the United Kingdom. Why, then, should Mr. Kendall hesitate to recommend a measure which is fraught with so many advantages to our rising country, even if it should require appropriations from congress to carry it into effect.

But we contend that a cheap system of postage may be advantageously adopted in this country without any aid from congress, if equal and exact justice is done to all the parties concerned. For example, in the first place, let the franking privilege be wholly abolished, so that no person may send or receive letters or papers without paying postage. Now, all the departments of government, each member of congress, and every postmaster in the United States. enjoys the franking privilege; and it is well known that whatever legal restrictions may be imposed against its abuse, they are too frequently disregarded. On the departments of government, there is no legal restriction whatever, they send by mail as much as they please. Some members of congress send cart loads of documents daily; and during the session of congress the mails are loaded down with speeches that are never read, and documents which remain unopened. Post-masters send myriads of letters daily on their own private business, and hundreds take the office solely on account of the franking privilege. Abolish this privilege, and the expense of transporting the mails would be so reduced, and the revenue so much increased, that a reduction of fifty per cent. in the rates of postage might be made immediately. There is no justice whatever in requiring the people to pay the postage of the departments, members of congress, and post-masters.

It may be objected, that members of congress would be heavily taxed by their constituents, were they obliged to pay postage for all the letters sent to them. It would be no more burdensome to them than it now is to the members of the state legislature. When their constituents write them on their own business, they know it is their duty to pay the postage; so would it likewise be as it respects members of congress. Or if it was deemed necessary, the congressional post-office might open an account with each member, and the amount at the close of the session be paid from the treasury in the same manner as their other expenses are now paid. A proposition to abolish the franking privilege will no doubt be unpopular with all who are interested in its continuance, and from such no favor is to be expected. Nevertheless, the rights of the whole people are paramount to the interests of a comparatively few individuals, and must and will be eventually respected by every friend of his country.

In the second place, we maintain, that the adoption of a cheaper system would, instead of decreasing, greatly increase the revenue of the post-office department. The present heavy tax upon letters is a serious interruption to that friendly intercourse which would be kept up between absent friends, many of whom are unable to bear the expense, and others