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left his lodgings in Hydo street, a privy belonging to the house was searched and emptied, and in 'it were found 199 pikes, exactly resembling those which Bently had been ordered to make. Something like an organization was after this agreed upon; and the prisoner, and others were each appointed to their respective offices. Thistlewood was to have the command; Watson, sen. was to be second; Hooper third; Castle fourth; Watson, jun. was to be fifth; and Preston, who was lame, had the last post assigned to him. It was first agreed upon, at a meeting held by these parties on the 10th of November, that an insurrection should take place on the first assembly in Spa-fields. This, however, was abandoned; and it was merely determined upon to congregate the people together, for the purpose of discussing the state of the times, and seeking a redress of grievances. About this time there were placards and advertisements issued, signifying that there had been adopted a "Committee of Public Safety." When the prisoner Watson was apprehended on the night of the 2d of December, a paper was found in his pocket, which purported to contain a list of this "Committee of Public Safety." It was signed, Sir Francis Burdett, Lord Cochrane, Mr. Arthur Thistlewood, Maj. Cartwright, Mr. H. Hunt, Mr. Gale Jones, Mr. Roger O'Connor, Mr. Samuel Brooks, Mr. James Watson, and others. next feature of the conduct of the pri soner and his companions was the publication of an advertisement signed by one Dyall. It was addressed principally to distressed artizans, manufacturers, &c. and announced the intended meeting. The meeting alluded to was called; but it was found necessary to have a leader, and in consequence a Mr. Hunt, who lived in the country, was applied to. He did not believe, however, that the real purpose of the meeting was made known to that gentleman; but that it was represented to be the case of distressed artizans and manufacturers, &c. Nor did he think that the breaking out was intended to have been attempted at the proceedings of time. Subsequent to that day, the whole party went to dine at Bouverie-street with Mr. Hunt: the prisoner Watson and the others were all acting there together. This was on the 15th of November; and another meeting was

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the following: "England expects every man to do his duty. The climax of misery is complete; it can go no further. Death would now be a relief to millions. Arrogance, folly, and crimes, have brought affairs to this dreadful crisis. Firmness and integrity only can save the country. The Nation's wrongs must be redressed. John Dyall, Chairman; Thomas Preston, Secretary." It would be impossible, hesaid, to read this advertisement without drawing the inference of its diabolical desigu; more particularly when the other strong facts, namely, the ordering the pike heads, the firing the barracks, and other matters, were taken into consideration. The advertisement was placarded and circulated all over the town, in order to inflame the minds and passions of the people, and to stir up insurrection and rebellion. Previous to the meeting of the 2d December, young Watson and others agreed to go and view various gunsmiths' shops, marine storehouses, &c. The former, in particular, to be visited on the day of the meeting; and the assembly were, of course, to supply themselves with arms. One plan beside was worthy of remark: in order not only to prevent the firing, but to win over the soldiers, a number of young women were to be procured-they were to be dressed out in the best manner, to be decorated with the tri-coloured cockade, and to be placed in front of the ranks of the divisions to be headed by the several parties. This was expected to have worked powerfully upon the humanity of the troops. Among the arms purchased previous to the 2d of December were pistols, traced to the previous possession of the parties, and afterwards actually found in the possession of Hooper, who was apprehended by the praiseworthy exertions of the Lord Mayor and Sir James Shaw. Castle was also commissioned to purchase pistols, sabres, &c, which he did; and previous to the great meeting, the prisoner and his companions assembled in Greystoke place, where, with the exception of Thistlewood, they all dined, and agreed to go together to Spa-fields on the following day. Castle had hired a waggon of a man named Windermude, who was asked to decorate his horse with ribbands-the tri-coloured cockade, &c.; but he refused. The parties, however, proceeded to the waggon,

place soon after the theosed to take with their arms, ammunition, &c. to Spa

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ment, which was to assemble in the month of February. This delay was objected to by young Watson, who proposed that no longer adjournment should occur than 17 days, and that there

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fields; and it was further agreed that, in the course of their career they should go to the "Old Lady" and the "Old Gentleman," meaning the Bank and the Tower. Castle left the party that went to Spa-,

on the 2d of December advertise fields, and directed his course towards the

ment, among other things, was agreed uponi. Among other passages in it were

East end of the town. Here he was directed, if met with a sufficient assembled force, to proceed, and endeavour to take

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the Tower himself. It happened, previous to the 2d of December, that, on Saturday the 30th of November, it was agreed that different persons were to go to different parts of the town; and a plan was arranged, by which particular divisions were marked out. Some were to be at London-bridge, some at one side of the Tower, and some at another. To shew that a plan of operations had been arranged when Mr. Watson, sen. was taken, in his pocket was found, besides the names of the Committee of Public Safety, a paper, which was manifestly a sort of plan of intended operations; and from which it was clear that the Tower and the Bank were the principal objects of attack. The paper pointed out the different parts of the Metropolis that were to be attacked and barricadoed, Every division was settled and agreed upon, on the 1st of December, at Greystoke place. Mr. Hunt was expected to attend the meeting of the 2d of December, and did attend there. The conspirators, however, thought it more advantageous for their purpose that they should begin their proceedings before Mr. Hunt came. At this proceeding Thistlewood, Preston, Hooper, and the two Watsons, took an active part. The waggon, in which were the arms and ammunition, was placed in the field; and from thence the inflammatory language was addressed. The principal orators on that occasion were the prisoner Watson, and his son, James Watson, junior. The language and expressions used on that occasion were manifestly intended to excite a seditious disposition in the mob then assembled, for the purpose of more successfully carrying into effect the previous deliberate conspiracy, formed for a general insurrection and rebellion, Here the Attorney General read a copy of what was stated to be the speech delivered by the elder Watson, containing a general declamation against the Government. The Attorney General next read the speech said to have been delivered by young Watson, which concluded with the following passage: "It seems the determined resolution of Ministers to carry things with, what they call, a high hand; or, as they say, our Sovereign Lord the King will carry every thing with firmness. la short, they will carry the business in defiance of the voice of the people. (Cheers.) If they will not give us what we want, then shall we not take it? (Yes, yes!) Are you willing to take it? (Yes, yes!) Will you go and take it? (Yes.) If I jump down among you, will you follow me? (Yes, yes! from a thousand voices.") Upon which be jumped down; and the prisoner and his son heading the mob, proceeded towards the City, accompanied by

Thistlewood and others of the conspirators.

In their progress they were ai sailed by some police officers, by whose exertions some of the banners and flags were taken from them. One of these ban. ners was inscribed, "The Soldiers are our friends; treat them kindly." Can any man doubt that the object of this inscription was to seduce the soldiery, in case it should be found necessary to call them out, for the purpose of putting down and repressing the insurrection? Another remarkable circumstance was, that amongst the banners unfurled on that occasion was the tri-coloured flag! that memorable ensign in the bloody æra of the French Revolution, a period at which the tri-coloured flag was the rallying point of every thing that was bloody and atrocious. For what purpose were all these insignia of war, but to put themselves in battle-array, and to furnish themselves with reinforcements, and with weapons of destruction? Why were the gunsmiths' shops attacked, and the pawnbrokers', except it was to furnish arms, which were to answer the purpose they had in view? They attacked and pillaged Mr. Beckwith's shop of all the arms they could find; and from the identical arms taken from it, which were traced to their hands in the instant they were employing them in purposes and overt-acts of treason and rebellionthe object was clear. That object was expressly declared by the address of young Watson, who, it would be proved, went to buy those very pistols which he took in his pocket, and with which he shot at that young gentleman, Mr. Platt, then in the act of expostulating with him. They had

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sooner accomplished this bloodyminded purpose, of plundering Beckwith's shop, and of murdering such as opposed them, than they proceeded with those arms, which they judged favourable for their designs, towards the Royal Ex change. Being there met by the Lord Mayor and the worthy magistrate sitting under their Lordships (Sir J. Shaw), they no sooner saw them, than they resistedjan attempt which was made to secure them. In the intermediate time they had col lected an additional mob, armed like themselves, with guns, pistols, and every weapon they could possibly lay their hands upon; thus trampling upon the laws and constituted authorities, in a state of revolutionary riot and open rebellion, [Here the Learned Gentleman gave a detailed history of all the other proceedings of the rioters, from the attack on Mr. Beckwith's shop, until the mobs were completely dispersed; all which have al ready been before the publick.) It was Thistlewood, he said, who addressed the soldiers at the Tower. He represented to them that they were to receive one hun

dred

dred guineas apiece; and, with a sword in his hand, he invited them to come over to the mob. He solicited his Majesty's troops to join in those measures for which they bad armed themselves If this was not to excite a general insurrection, for what other object? Why were they armed at first? and why did they resort to plunder for arms? Why attempt to seduce the soldiery from their allegiance, but to obtain all the reinforcement that could be procured? Why the mounting up into a waggon, furnished with ammunition? Why those inflammatory speeches to excite the passions of the mob, except to bring over others to join them, for the purposes of open and avowed rebellion and treason? The question is, whether this was a conspiracy to overturn the legitimate Government of the Country, or with an intention to petition for redress of grievances, or Parliamentary Reform? He contended that their object was levying war against the Sovereignty of the State, and against the Constitution of the Country, as by Law established. What was done was nothing short of all this. After the mob was dispersed, the evidence traced Watson the elder, Thistlewood, and Hooper, back to the lodgings of the elder Watson in Dean-street. There it was found Thistlewood and Watson came and packed up some linen and apparel; and from there they were traced to another lodging in the house of a person named Williams, in Shoe-lane. [Here the Attorney General mentioned the circumstance of the two Watsons setting out from London, and being taken up at Highgate.] In going into evidence, he should begin with the transactions of the 15th of November, down to the 2d of December, and call a great many witnesses.

A witness

who was privy to the conspiracy must be considered to have been an accomplice. So he was, beyond all doubt; but the Law admitted his testimony; and, beyond all doubt, he was a competent witness, if confirmed by others. But, perhaps, if unconfirmed, it would be too much to say, a reliance should be put upon his testimony in capital cases like this, where the life of a fellow-subject was at stake. But he knew he should confirm this witness, in many circumstances, by persons who were not accomplices, and who were ignorant as to what those circumstances led. The Attorney General having concluded his speech, he proceeded to call the witnesses.

June 12. Mr. Wetherell addressed the Jury in behalf of Dr. Watson. He began his speech by observing, that they had now arrived at the middle of the fifth day in the trial of an individual for treason, of the most extraordinary description ever witnessed in this country, and which he

sincerely hoped would never again be witnessed a trial, the record of which had no precedent in his Majesty's Crownoffice, and which ought not to be put on the files of the Court. The unhappy man at the bar was charged with four treasons. The first was that of compassing and imagining the King's death; the second was a treason which might exist without any design on the King's life, viz. the compassing and imagining to depose the King; the third was for levying war against the King; and the fourth, conspiring to levy war against the King, for the purpose of compelling him to change his measures. These were the four charges against the prisoner. But, before he proceeded to any arguiment founded on the facts of the case, he begged leave to solicit their attention to a remark made by Justice Foster, in his Treatise on Crown Law; a Judge not more eminent for his talents and extensive learning, than for genuine piety. In the preface of that Work, this truly excellent character, speaking of the statute of treasons, and the importance of its being well understood by gentlemen of the profession, observed, "The learning touching these subjects is a matter of great and universal concernment. It merits, for reasons too obvious to be enlarged on, the attention of every man living; for no rank, no elevation in life, and, let me add, no conduct, how circumspect soever, ought to tempt a reasonable man to conclude, that these inquiries do not, nor possibly can, concern him. A moment's cool reflection on the utter instability of human affairs, and the numberless unforeseen events which a day may bring forth, will be sufficient to guard any man, conscious of his own infirmities, against a delusion of this kind. Those, therefore, whose birth or fortunes have happily placed them above the study of the Law as a profession, will not be offended, if I presume that discourses on these subjects, in preference to any other branch of the Law, demand their attention." Such was the opinion of that great man; and indeed its truth was obvious, when one for a moment considered that, notwithstanding all the vigilance which could possibly be exercised, and all the circumvallation which the most studious care could throw around an individual, he was still exposed to danger. Of its truth, the present case was a melancholy instance. The hardihood and villainy of Castle, and the manner in which he had acted from first to last, left, in his mind, no doubt whatever, but that this scheme had originally been formed by him, and that the four unfortunate prisoners had become his dupes. The same snare had been laid for Mr. Hunt, as he was prepared to shew; and it was only by

accident

it was so puerile, that he was astonished that it could be gravely brought forward. If, indeed, such a person could possibly exist, might not one justly say to him: "You imagine the King's death, but how can you gain this, as the Sovereign is never seen, and the Prince has long held the power?" But, the more he cou templated the evidence which had been brought forward, the more he was astonished at the absurdity of making this charge; for, be it remembered, there was not, in the course of the four days' examination, a single proof to shew that one word of disrespect had been uttered respecting this venerable person, or his august family. Not the slightest evidence was brought forward to shew even one expression of dislike or indifference to the Constitution as established happily by Law, excepting that scandalous and wicked toast given by that perjured miscreant, Castle, at the dinner in Bouverie-street. The whole then of this charge came to nothing; and the cause of its being put on the record was really as puerile as to scarcely deserve notice. He would now proceed to the second charge of treason, viz. the compassing and imagining to de pose the King, which, in other words, meant to demolish the Constitution, and overthrow the Government. Here he was astonished to think what grounds had possibly induced this to be put on the record, especially when he remembered that the Attorney General had said (if he understood him rightly) that the fourth and second charges were the same. In this variety of treasons, unnecessarily, as he must say, introduced, it became the Jury to consider seriously that they were bound to see every charge was substantiated by evidence peculiarly belonging to itself; for he must own that, in his opinion, the Crown Officers bad put on the record all these treasons, for the purpose of obtain

accident that he was not now placed at that bar; but, fortunately for bimself, he had escaped it. On this, how ever, he should decline at present saying any more. The attention which the Jury had shewn, the patience with which they had heard the body of evidence, and the vigilance which they had exer. cised, had stamped, he was confident, every fact on their minds, in a much better manner than he could pretend to do by any representation of the case; for he was aware he should rather tend, by any such representation, to dislocate and disarrange the facts, than give them any assistance. He would now begin his observations to them by stating what, in his opinion, was the Law of England on the case. It was clear, that the intention to do bodily harm to the Sovereign was just the same as endeavouring to compass his death; and any attempt to impose restraints on him in the exercise of his Royal functions was also the same. This was a proposition which had never been doubted; for indeed it was so obvious as to admit of no doubt, As four charges were made against the prisoner at the bar, it was absolutely ne. cessary to see how far these charges were made out; and for that purpose be should begin by considering the first treason, viz. that of compassing and imagining the King's death. Here he felt himself called upon to aflude to the situation in which his present Majesty was placed; a situation which, he was persuaded, could not fail to be the source of the deepest regret to every one who knew the amiable virtues of that Momarch. After a long reign, in which his Majesty had uniformly shewn himself the father of his people, and the guardian of their best and dearest rights, it pleased That Almighty Being, whose works, while they are characterized by grandeur, majesty, wisdom, and power, are nevertheless to mortals inexplicable, though founded on the strictest justice, to afflicting, by some means or other, a verdict him with a most lamentable malady, and at an age too (80 years) venerable in point of length and every other thing. To a British heart, such a malady as the one he now alluded to was, he was aware, the cause of the most poignant sorrow; and. was it possible to imagine that any human being could be found, who, in such an awful situation, could deliberately imagine the Monarch's death? Eveu Nature herself had planted an insurmountable barrier between the Monarch and the person (if such a person there could exist) who imagined this crime; and, he must again repeat, all the feelings of human nature were abhorrent at the very idea of doing any injury to the Monarch in such a situation. It therefore followed that the charge of the first treason was in every view untenable; and indeed he must say,

which they could not otherwise obtain by fair and legal means. On this ground the Jury required certain satisfactory evi dence, to shew that a plan did actually exist for the purpose of deposing the King Perhaps the only part of the whole indiet) ment which deserved notice - was, the charge of levying war; for, in fact, on the first and second charges there was not one single proof to make even a colourable or questionable case; and it would be an insult to any man of common understanding to have such a case argued seriously ber fore him, because there was not the slightes est evidence of intending to make any new Government; excepting, indeed, that piserable paper called "a Sketch" might be brought forward. The trials which took place in 1794 had been alluded to, and he was therefore bound, in justice to his

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that time there were 44,000 Societies in France, and, he believed, there were above 300.000 persons in this country corresponding daily with each other, having private conferences; and, in truth, they had persons associated with them of considerable in@uence in society. But, would any man say this was the case with this unfortunate man at the bar, or his three associates? for how, in the name of common sense, were they likely to accomplish their object? Was it at all probable that the Constitution of the Country could be overturned by these men, and young Watson? What was their situa. tion in life? Two of them were brokendown apothecaries, a third a broken down gentleman, and the other two were coblers. Yet, according to this charge, such were the men who were, in a state of profound peace, and while there was such a large standing army in the country, to overturn the Government of the country, and plunge it in all the miseries of anarchy and bloodshed. Such, he again repeated, were the characters and conditions of these truly formidable conspirators. In the course of his speech to the Jury, at the opening of the case, the Attorney General had made some allusions to the Spenceans; and this had furnished a favourable opportunity for his learned friend Mr. Gurney, whose dexterity was well known, to slip in a few questions, in his examinations, respecting the Spenseans. Now he begged leave here to say, that, if the Attorney General had the slightest intention to bring forward the charge of Watson being connected with the Spenceans, he ought to have proved it, and not make assertions without proof. In the immense list of witnesses (and this was also unprecedented) it was worthy of notice, that not one witness had, directly or indirectly, made the slightest allusion to any such connexion existing between Watson and the Spenceans. Such allusions ought therefore not to have been made, because they obviously tended to inflame the mind, and to raise a prejudice respecting the case. If the prisoner, or one of his associates, was connected with a single Society, why, in the name of God, not prove it? and why should assertions be made, for which not a shadow of proof existed? Let the prisoners have fair play, as that was all, they wanted;

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but let not oblique insinuations be thrown out, which had nothing to do with the case., Wicked, scandalous, and detestable as the evidence of Castle was, even he had not thrown out a single hint respecting the Spenceans, or any similar society. And when the character of that individualthat perjured, infamous individual, was considered, was there a person who could doubt that he would not, in his, evidence, have brought forward every thing which the blackest malignity could invent; for the whole of his evidence obviously emanated from a mind corrupted with every species of malignity and wickedness? He had been asked, in his cross-examination, if he could produce the name of a single person who was to go. to Spa-fields? but that infamous perjured fellow found it impossible to bring one name. In directing their attention to the other charge. that of levying war, he begged again to allude to the Societies in 1794. So formidable had these Societies become then, that Government and the Legislature found it necessary to pass an Act, prohibiting them from meeting on any account whatever, and rendering it penal for them to meet. This, without doubt, was proper, considering the famous decree of the Convention of the 20th of November 1791, by which it was well known that aid was offered to all other countries, for the purpose of procuring what was called Liberty. Anxious then that the unfortu nate men at the bar should be tried on precedents, he asked what measures had they taken for overthrowing the country, and what act of the Legislature had they by force demanded to be repealed? What have they done? what have they attempted to do? Even Castle himself, that indescribable villain, whose sole object in appearing was the procuring of blood-money, did not, for in truth he could not, describe one specific thing they meant to accomplish. The Attorney Ge neral bad, however, taken a different view of it, and had worked himself up so far as to describe it as "a flagrant civil war," for the purpose of overthrowing the Constitution. Now here he could not help saying, that, if this was "a flagrant civil war," Government had not been very kind to Alderman Sir J. Shaw, as he had neither been honoured with a Peerage, nor. a pension, nor a ribbon, for his eminent services in defeating the civil enemies of his country. The evidence of Sir James Shaw had been delivered in a manly, ins dependent, honest manner; and it ap peared he had, unarmed, taken the standard from this Rebel General, Hooper. Had any of the Cabinet Ministers, had the Lord Mayor, had even the meanest constable in the City, been attacked? No. And, while he put this question, he requested

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