HISTORICAL CHRONICLE.

PROCEEDINGS IN THE FIFTH SESSION OF THE FIFTH PARLIAMENT OF THE UNITED
KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND; continued from p. 361.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, March 18. Mr. Huskisson stated that to complete the new line of communication from the South to the North parts of the Metropolis, 600,0004. was required. The Royal Exchange Assurance Company being unable to advance more than one half of this sum. the Bank of England had agreed to advance the other half. He now applied for leave to bring in a Bill to enable the Crowa to borTow this money upon the security of its landed possessions.

Mr. Littleton reprehended the dangerous, immoral, and fraudulent mode of raising འབ money by Lotteries. The gross sum accruing annually to the revenue from Lotteries was 500,000! He characterized the present scheme as being a fraud upon the publick: the chance of any great prize was about 71 to 1. He feared that a certain degree of patronage formed one of the motives for supporting the present sys.. tem of Lotteries. In England there were four places of 5001. a year each attached to this institution, five of 3501. one of 3001. one of 2301., twenty-one of 2001., sixo 1007. to 150; and he had no hesitation in say-, ing, that these places were altogether sinecures. In Ireland, there was the first commissioner, Sir A. Alexander, at 300l. a year; four other cominissioners, at 2007. ; two certificated commissioners, at 1007; two comptrollers, at 1001.; one stamp comptroller, at 141.; two clerks, at 60%; two at 501. There was Mr. Thompson, who had been an absentee 16 years, received 2501. a year: in fact, no Lotteries had been drawn in Ireland for 16 years. The Hon. Gent. concluded by proposing, 1st, That by the system of State Lotteries, a spirit of gambling was promoted, destructive to the morals of the people, and detrimental to the revenue of the country. 2d, That this House will no longer authorize the existence of State Lotteries.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. W. Ward, and Lord Castlereagh, contended, that the evils flowing from Lotteries had been greatly lessened; and that, if this source of revenue was taken away, it would be difficult to supply it by fresh taxes. The motion was negatived, by 73 to 26.

HOUSE OF LORDS, March 20. In reply to a question put by Lord Grenville, Earl Bathurst stated, that a circular was sent to the Governors of all the Islands in the West Indies having local legislatures, stating the desire of the Go

GENT. MAG, May, 1817,

vernment that measures should be adopted with the view of ameliorating, as far as possible, the situation of the Slaves. Accounts have since been received that at Jamaica an Act has been passed for the Registration of Slaves; and also an Act for. giving greater effect to the Abolition of the Slave Trade. In Barbadoes also an. Act had been passed for the Registration of Slaves; and in St. Vincent's a similar Act had been introduced, but had been delayed on account of some forms. Accounts

of a similar nature were expected from the other Islands by the next mails.

Aiarch 24.

The Bill to prevent Seditions Meetings, being reported, Viscount Sidmouth proposed a clause to prohibit puble meetings. within a mile of the two Houses of Parliament when si ting, or of th Courts of Justice when sitting at Westminster.

Lord St. John thought the clause tended to embarrass the right of holding public, meetings.

The Earl of Rosslyn observed, that this clause would prevent the inhabitants of Westminster from exercising a privilege which was possessed by the inhabitants of every other part of London.

The clause was agreed to..

March 25.

The third reading of the Seditious Meetings Bill was opposed at some length by Lord Erskine, who concluded his speech with the following declaration:-"Just so was it with measures for keeping down. freedom-in the stagnation of public sentiment, in the destruction of its vivifying. principles, you encountered infinitely more. danger than from its excesses. He did. not now hold the opinions that he did when he formerly signed a paper upon the subject of Parliamentary Reform; he did not now hold these opinions to the same extent; and to those who said he ought to be consistent, he would say he was bound to nothing but a faithful discharge of his duties as a Member of Parliament. But let every man have the same freedom of opinions, and let not that freedom be shackled by unnecessary fetters. He thought this Bill pregnant with danger to the liberty of the subject, from the powers given by it to a single Magistrate to pre-, vent, at his discretion, the right of petitioning from being exercised, and that Magistrate appointed by the Crown. With

these

was composed. He well recollected, that the appointment of the Committee was not conceded as a boon by Ministers, but extorted in consequence of a notice given from an honourable friend of his, that such a Committee would be moved for. He must say one word, too, on a disappointment of another kind, which, he foresaw, must occur. He was afraid, after all the pains that had been taken to prevent the people of Westminster from meeting, that if the House expected no meetings would take place within a mile, they would be grievously disappointed, - [He then explained this, by pointing out flaws in the Act.]-He concurred with his honourable friend in the hope that something would be effected during the recess towards alleviating the distress that so loudly demanded attention; and he hoped also, that during the adjournment no steps would be taken by Ministers touching the affairs of South America; or any thing done to impede the independence of those Colonies - an object, the accomplishment of which every liberal mind must so ardently desire. He trusted that Ministers would not commit the country in the way of mediation, more than they had committed it already.

Mr. B. Bathurst stated, that the Bill did not apply to meetings held while Parliament was not sitting: that he believed the Courts of Justice had the power of preventing meetings in Westminster hall during the time they were employed there; and that, at all events, Mr. Fox had on one occasion submitted to their authority on such an occasion. Notwithstanding the defects of the Bill, which were no secret to Ministers, he declared it a salutary measure. It was true, that the prevailing distress was the cause of the measure, for that distress had laid the people open to the arts of designing men. It was impossible to hope that any measures could entirely remove that distress; but every exertion would be made with the hope of alleviating it.

Mr. Curwen said, that in that branch of the question which he had brought before the House (the Poor Laws), a plan of relief would be devised, which would be effectual to a considerable extent. He believed that his Majesty's Ministers were in earnest upon all these subjects, for they had listened to every suggestion.

Mr. Bennet asked if there was any truth in the report that Marylebone Church, which stood on the property of the Duke of Portland, was to be made over to Goveroment, and Crown property given the Duke elsewhere in exchange. The office of sexton in that church was worth 1000/. per ancum; that of clerk 10007.; and there were other offices in proportion, all which influence was to be added to the Crown. He then inquired of an Hon. Member

(Mr. Curwen) the state of his measures respecting the Poor Laws.

Mr. Brougham and Mr. Curwen mutually disclaimed any idea of superseding each other's measures; and the latter gentleman stated, that he had experienced every assistance from a Noble Lord (Castlereagh) to whom he had submitted his plans. What would eventually be done must depend on his Majesty's Ministers. His intention was to propose that personal property and the public funds should be subjected to the poor rates (Hear, hear!)

Mr. Calcraft expressed his belief that Ministers would not concur in any plan to render the public funds liable to the poor rates. (Hear, hear!) In the two months which the House had sat, but little had been done; and he was afraid the people would be disappointed with respect to the Finance Committee.

Lord Binning, and Messrs. Sturges Bourne, and F. Lewis, defended the Finance Committee.

April 14.

The House met, pursuant to adjournment. The Deputy-Clerk read a letter from Mr. Speaker, excusing himself for not attending, on account of indisposition.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer observed, that a duty fell on him which must be a painful consideration to all: but it was consolatory that it gave an opportunity to the House of passing an unanimous vote, in consequence of the ill health of their estimable Speaker. His health had, indeed, been much sacrificed recently by his anxiety and late sittings in the chair, in which those who bad most observed his conduct would be most deeply impressed with a feeling of his integrity, attention, and ability. He therefore proposed to adjourn to April 24.

Mr. Ponsonby said, he cheerfully concurred in the motion. He regretted extremely the cause of the present interruption of the Session, and wished that the great anxiety of the Speaker in his attention to his duties had not urged him recently to sit in the chair so long. He had observed its effects on bis health more than once, when business was long and pressing. To his attention and anxiety they might principally attribute the severity of his indisposition. He thought the proposed adjournment due to the long services and tried ability of the Speaker; so that he should, if possible, be restored to the House with his accustomed health and his known ability.

Mr. Grattan heartily concurred in the motion.

turning to the chair I have to express to the House my most grateful acknowledg ments for their indulgent consideration during my late indisposition. I beg leave to assure the House that I feel most deeply the favourable acceptance which my humble endeavours to discharge my duty in this chair have experi nced from them. With respect to the arrears of business which have been occasioned by the departure from the ordinary course of proceeding that arose out of the late unfortunate interruption, I have to propose to the House, first, that all Committees should be revived; and, secondly, to extend the time for receiving the reports of Private Bills, from Monday the 12th of May, to another week (if that shall be the pleasure of the House), namely, to Monday the 19th of May."-Agreed to.

Mr. Bennet presented a Petition from the traders, manufacturers, and mechanics of Wolverhampton, praying for a diminution of taxation, and a reduction of the expenditure. It was signed by upwards of 5,000.

Mr. E. Littleton said, that the petition did not express the sentiments of the inhabitants of Wolverhampton.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer rose, to call the attention of the House to a motion he intended to submit to their consideration on Monday: That his Majesty shall be authorised to issue Exchequer Bills to a certain amount, for the relief of the pub. lic distress, on security being given. This was intended for the relief of the labouring poor. That the money be allotted partly to Corporations, to enable them to employ labourers in finishing public works, and in this instance security would be required for the repaymen. of the money in a given time. Other parts of the money would be given to parishes and associated bodies, on securities being given on the parish rates, and also by individuals. It was not meant, however, that such money was to be employed in what might abstractedly be called distress, for the great object his Majesty's Ministers had in view, was the finding of employment for the poor, which indeed was the most rational and satisfactory way of giving relief. The um he meant to propose would be between one and two millions. He should only further add, that he was specially commanded by. his Royal Highness the frince Regent to recommend this to the immediate and warmest attention of the Boose.

After some observations by Messrs. Lamb, Brougham, and Ponsonby; the Chuncellor of the Exchequer intimated his intention of confining himself on Monday to making his statement, and to defer calling on the House for any opinion till a subsequent day.

April 28.

A petition, presented by Mr. Wilberforce, from the Academical Society in Chancery-lane (to whom a licence had been refused by two of the City Magistrates, Sir W. Domville, and Mr. Alderman J. J. Smith), drew from Mr. Bragge Bathurst the following declaration:-" I am ignorant of the motives of the Magistrates on the present occasion. On the allegation of the petitioners, it appeared that the Magistrates had refused the licence, because they thought it was the intention of the Legislature to prohibit all political discussion. I must entirely disclaim any such intention on the part of the Legisla. ture: I agree too, that the Magistrates could only exercise that sort of discretion which had been described by Lord Mansfield, namely, a sound and legal discretion. It might be within the discretion of the Magistrate to determine whether or not a meeting were held for seditious or literary purposes; but it never could be the intention of the Legislature to prohibit dis

cussion."

The whole House resolved itself into a Committee, to consider the propriety of a grant of Exchequer Bills, for the relief of the labouring classes of society.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer then proceeded to a detail of the measure. The first resolution that he proposed for the opinion of the Committee was, "That Exchequer Bills, to the amount not exceeding one million and a half, be advanced to certain Commissioners of Great Britain, to be distributed at their discretion towards the relief of the poor's rates, by the encouragement of industry, and employment of the poor in public works of utility, and fisheries; security for repay. ment to be taken from the poor's rates of the districts to which such monies might be advanced. Ireland was under circum. stances somewhat different from those of the rest of the Empire, and he should therefore submit a second resolution for the opinion of the Committee,-"That the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland should issue the sum of 250,000l. Irish currency, from the consolidated fund of that country (repayable under certain securities), for the employment of the poor, in the en couragement of public works and fisheries." On every former occasion of an advance made by Government towards alleviating the distress of any community or district, the advance had been preceded by inquiring into the nature and extent of the distress prevailing, aud of the relief required. Under present circumstances, unhappily, such proceedings were alloge ther unnecessary; and the House was but too well acquainted with the nature and extent of the distress prevailing, by the numerous petitions that were lying on the

Table,

table, and by the labours of the Committee of last Session and the present. On other occasions advances had been made towards the completion of great public works, which were likely to prove of public benefit; but the present proceeding was somewhat different from any that had preceded it; for the Commissioners were not .only entrusted with the distribution of money they were charged with, and the completion of public works, but they were also to have under their consideration the effect which the works themselves would at this moment have on the labouring classes: their object, therefore, was of a complicated nature-the utility of the work, and the prospect of benefit to those employed. There were a variety of public works that had received the sanction of Parliament, such as harbours, canals, 1oads, and the like, that languished and stagnated from the want of capital for their completion; and applications were frequently made to Parliament by the promoters of such undertakings, for contributions out of the public money.

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On those accounts, a general relief of the agricultural distress did not form a part of the present plan, which he thought not likely to have any effect in increasing the poor-rates. The amount to be granted to any district on the credit of those rates, was not to exceed half the rate of the last year, and no advance was to be made until that rate doubled the amount of the average of the three preceding years. But though he could not promise a general relief to the agricultural interests, be should have beeu sorry not to have laid before the House some measure which promised considerable assistance to a portion of the poorer classes, now deprived of employment. Undoubtedly the distress of those classes, and of the manufacturing districts, even from what they had beard in the Petition presented by the Hon.. Gentleman opposite, claimed the most serious attention of the Legislature, and every effort that could be made for its alleviation. The distresses at Birmingham, in particular, had been mainly occasioned by the change which had terminated the operation of war. The manufacture of small arms was peculiarly affected by the sudden transition. The manufacturers had made three million stand of arms in a year. There could, therefore, be no won der at the effects of such a loss of trade as had been occasioned. In looking into the accounts, it appeared that the official value of exported steel and iron in 1814 was 1,094,0007; in 1815, it was 1,027,000Z.; and in 1816, 1,074,000. The exportedhardware in 1816 was 700,000. odd, amounting to about 10 per cent, short of 1815. The real declension of trade, it would appear, was not in the regular foreign exportations, but chiefly arose from the necessary loss of the manufacture of arms. It was the opinion of many persons conversant with the affairs of Birmingham, that a temporary relief, by the advance of 30 or 40,000l. would be productive of much benefit. He had thought it more advisable to submit a resolution

Whatever aid Parliament might now afford, was to be submitted to the discretion of Commissioners wholly unconnected with Government: the sums advanced were to be placed with them, and they would receive applications from Corporations, or other Bodies concerned in public works, such as roads, canals, harbours, bridges, and the like: and it might be thought advisable that this grant should not be confined merely to undertakings that had received a Parliamentary sanction the fisheries might also be encouraged, and afford employment to seamen who were now destitute of any means of support. At all events, much would be gained if great works of utility or ornament could be brought to a completion without loss to the publick; of which the example of former grants, and the interest to be paid under a proper security, afforded a reasonable hope. In Ireland, where there was not the saine facility of lending money on Government paper, and where great works were commonly effected at the pub-couched in general terms, which in ght lic expence alone, it might be deemed more advisable to place a sum in the hands of the Lord Lieutenant, and avoid the difficulties that would attend a selection of Commissioners. With respect to the agricultural portions of the community, he had never thought that any assistance of this kind could avail to them. Their necessities were far greater than could be embraced by any relief of this sort, and their interests so widely extended, that it was hardly possible to conceive a case in which Parliament could afford them assistance. Indeed, he fancied that such an advance would only have the effect of increasing their poor-rates, by making them constitute a part of the wages of labour.

embrace all cases of real difficulty, with a view to guard against error and oversight, and to render the application of relief as extensive and beneficial as possible. The measure, however, as to efficacy, must depend considerably on details. He must add, that he felt it would be presumption in him to think of proposing the measure at first, under any idea of its being perfect. He had only troubled the House. with his ideas on the subject, and he trusted they would in due time meet with proper consideration and deliberation.. He then moved a resolution, that it was the opinion of the Committee, that Commissioners should be enabled to issue 1,500,0007. ia Exchequer Bills, under

certain