from the conduct of the gentlemen opposite to him, he could readily believe, that the voluntary surrender of place and power, the giving up office without compulsion, was an instance of self-denial which they were unable to comprehend, at least, they had not chosen to practise it. Wherever those hopes of better times had been indulged, how had they been disappointed! To look no further than the first financial operations of that constellation of genius and consistency! they had nearly doubled the duty on property, they had increased that tax from six and a quar ter to ten per cent. which they reprobated upon every oc casion in the strongest terms, which they had described as a fax subversive of every principle of taxation. They had made large additions to the assessed taxes, which they bad themselves, when in opposition, opposed with no less violence. Mr. Ryder observed that he did not either at that time, nor at the present moment, find fault with those increased burthens, severely as they pressed upon us all. They were necessary; the country knew them to be so not merely to maintain our glory and our honour, but for our independence, our liberties, and our lives. But he mentioned them merely to prove how completely the late government, when in power, had departed from the principles they professed in opposition, and how miserably they had defeated the hopes of their partizans. But was it true that the present administration was composed wholly of the same individuals, who resigned office upon the death of Mr. Pitt? The noble lord need not have looked further than the bench near him, (Mr. Ryder) to perceive that there two members in the present cabinet, (Mr. Perceval and Mr. Canning) holding high, efficient, responsible departments in the state, who, though in office before, were not ministers, nor in the situation of confidential advisers of the crown. When he stated that the weight of their abilities and their characters was no unimportant addition to the strength of any administration, he was sure he was speaking the sentiments of all those who sat in former par liaments, and the general and prevailing sentiments of the Country at large. If he knew himself at all, he was not actuated by any wish to detract from the just tribute of applause which was due to the distinguished abilities of the noble lord opposite, (Lord Howick) and who was de servedly considered as the head of his party in that house, nor from the merits of the noble lord near him, (Lord

Henry

Henry Petty) when he stated that in natural and acquired talents, in every qualification which coul entitle public men to public consideration and respect, his right honourable friends had no reason to dread a comparison with their predecessors. Indeed he saw no cause to regret the dismissal of the late ministers; for, excepting the part they took in the abolition of the slave trade, and their financial plan of this year, which, however full of fallacy and error, The approved as far as it avoided any immediate additions to the public burthens, he knew of nothing they had done to justify the expectations they had raised of themselves. Upon their entrance into office our armies and navies, better appointed and more numerous than any this country ever had to boast of before, were entirely at their disposal; the liberality of Parliament refused them no supplies they desired; our constancy was ready to second all their efforts. They had an advantage which, when in opposition themselves, they would not allow their predecessors; they had not an opposition to quarrel with the principle of the war, and cavil against every supply required for its prosecution. They had an opposition it is true; but it was an opposition which endeavoured to stimulate them to activity and exertion, and which declared themselves ready to share in any unpopularity, which activity and exertion, properly applied, might occasion. Yet with all these advantages what had they done, either to annoy the enemy, or to assist our allies who are fighting our battles with their own? They had disgusted the one, they had not injured the other. He knew well how idle and preposterous it was to judge of measures merely from the event. It was not for men to command success; but was it too much to ask how they attempted to deserve it? These were among the reasons which led him to oppose the amendment. He owned, whatever misconstructions he might be exposed to by the avowal, he should be inclined to follow the same course even if he entertained a much more partial opinion than he had of the systems and the conduct of his majesty's late ministers: because, looking no further back than to the cause of their dismissal, to their conduct through the whole of that transaction, and to the circumstances with which it had been connected, he could not view the possibility of their return to power, as a party professing the same principles and objects, to be obtained by the same means, without apprehending for the country mischiefs VOL. I.-1807.

far

far more alarming, both in their nature and extent, than any that usually attended or followed a change of administration. But he had no such partialities to overcome, and he should give his hearty support to the address, in the confident hope that if his majesty's present ministers were generally supported by Parliament, they might be able to do more, in the firm conviction they could not do Iess for their country than their predecessors.

Lord Temple replied to Mr. Ryder.

Lord Henry Petty made an able specch, to prove that the late dissolution was not only utterly unnecessary, but unprecedented and unconstitutional, as well as wholly unprovoked by any part of the conduct of his majesty's late ministers.

Mr. Canning spoke in reply to the noble lord. He argued, that the present ministers had no alternative left, but to retire from their places and from his majesty's councils.

Mr. T. Grenville replied, and complained of the gross unfairness of an expression in the speech, with which it aimed oblique censures on the late ministers, on the subject of the late events in Turkey and Egypt, assuming a kind of supercilious generosity on bringing no charge against them. He emphatically challenged inquiry into that, and every part of their conduct.

Mr. Whitbread replied to Mr. Canning. He charged home on the chancellor of the exchequer an attempt to support his cause by the cry of religious fanaticism.

General Sir A. Wellesley, the secretary for Ireland, solemnly denied all privity to such a transaction.

Sir John Newport offered to prove the fact at the bar. The House became clamorous for the question, and di

Lord Milton presented a petition from the debtors confined in the gaol of York. Ordered to lie on the table.

Sir Samuel Romilly presented a petition from 130 persons confined for debt in the King's Bench prison, 51 of whom were charged in execution, and the remaining 76 on mesne process. They were ready, he said, to give up all their property to their creditors, who refused to consent to their being set at liberty on such terms. One hundred and twelve of the number had families dependent upon them for support, and the number of their children amounted to three hundred and forty-seven. The petition prayed a revision of the laws of debtor and creditor. It was his wish not to have presented this petition, because it had been said in another place, that he had it in contemplation to bring in a bill to alter and amend these laws, when, in fact, he had no such intention. The reason why he did not bring forward such a measure was, that he had not been able to discover any effectual remedy for the very great evil compl tined of. However, as the petitioners were desirous that he should present their petition to the House, he thought it his duty to comply with their request, though he should not follow it up with a motion, except tha it should lie on the table. He had presented the petition on the earliest opportunity, in order that, if the business should be taken up by Parliament," gentlemen might have lie most ample time possible afforded for directing their attention to the subject. The petition was then brought up, and ordered to lie on the table.

Lord Folkstone gave notice, that he should on Monday next move, that the papers relative to the Oude charge be printed.

Lord Howick thought it necessary, in order to judge of the nature of the resolution to be proposed by the Chancel lor of the Exchequer on Monday next, relative to private, bills, that the louse should be in possession of informationrespecting the actual state of the private business at the late dissolution. As he did not suppose there could be any objection to the produc ion of the information he required upon this head, he should move, That there be laid before the House, an account of all the private bills, which were in their progress through that House on the 27th of April last, specifying the stages to which hey had severally arrived and of all the private bills that had passed, but had not received the royal assent.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer felt no objection to the motion. The account might be made out in a short time by reference to their own journals. He hoped, however, that,

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if the paper should be produced by Monday, the noble lord would not object to his bringing forward his proposi tion on that head, subject never heless to leave the conside ration of it adjourned, till the paper should be laid before the House.

Lord Howick acquiesced.

The account was then ordered, but, in order to facilitate the making of it out, it was on a suggestion from the Speaker, directed to be numerical, distinguishing the bills into classes, as they related to canals, oads, or inclosures.

Lord Howick adverting to the statement made on the preceding evening by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, relative to the conduct of government, in having acted upon the provisions of the American treaty bill, after that bill had expired, though: that the House should be made acquainted with the extent to which such provisions had been acted upon withou the authority of law. This information would be necessary previous to the discussion of the bill of indemnity, which the right honourable gentleman proposed to bring forward. He did not imagine there could be any objection to the production of copies of all orders from the different public offices, since the 27th of April, for the collection of duties not authorised by law.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer did not apprehend that there was any other order, but the order of council, dated the 220 of May, for continuing the regulations of the act that had expired, till other provisions should be prepared by Parliament, that could be produced on this subject, and that order he held in his hand, and had brought down to present to the House that day. The Chancellor of the Exchequer then presented the order of council from the bar, which was ordered to lie on the table, and to be printed.

Lord Howick hoped there would be no objection to the production of all orders that had been issued in pursuance of this order; but, after a few words from Mr. Rose, who observed, that it was intended to introduce a clause of indemnity into the bill for reviving the act that had expired, the motion was abandoned. It was then ordered, that on Monday next the House do resolve itself into a committee, to consider of the act of the 3d of the king, which act had been previously entered as read.

Lord Howie next moved, that there be laid before the House an account, shewing the amount of all sums issued