were appointed for that purpose, the claim would have been rejected altogether. He voted for the sum which was proposed by the right honourable the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

Mr. Huskisson and Mr. Sturges Bourne spoke on the same side. The motion was then agreed to.

The sum of 5000l. was also voted by address to Philip Martin, Esq.

STATE OF IRELAND.

Mr. Sheridan rose to make his promised motion, and spoke in substance as follows: I rise, Sir, under some degree of apprehension that from the lateness of the hour, and the quantity of less important business which the House has already gone through, I may be felt to trespass on your attention; but it was, I assure you, not less my intention this night, than it was on Monday, to address you at a much earlier hour of the evening, had other business permitted. The lateness of the hour on Monday was indeed one of the causes which induced me to postpone my motion until this evening; and I cannot but regret that on this, the last day, nay the last hour of the session, it should become necessary for me to arrest your attention; because I know that at such a time to delay your sitting cannot be agreeable to your feelings or to your habits. I am aware that it must have somewhat of an ungracious appearance to postpone your separation at such a season; and believe me I am as willing to enjoy the benefits of that separation as any one among you; but I am too strongly impelled by a call of imperious duty to yield to any desire of accommodation. The necessity which gave rise to that call was not created by me; nor was the postponement of the proposition I am about to submit, from Monday to this late period, by any means my fault. The propriety of adopting it is to my conviction rendered perfectly obvious by the circumstances of the two bills which you have recently passed with regard to Ireland. When you have determined to suspend the constitution and laws of Ireland, is it not reasonable to propose to you some inquiry into the causes alleged for such suspension, and how far such causes are removeable; is it not wise, when you are sending such acts to Ireland, to communicate at the same time such assurances of your resolution to take the state of that country

into your consideration? I am confident that such conduct would be at once consistent with policy and humanity, and that much of the apprehension and irritation which those acts of Parliament may be naturally expected to produce, would be mitigated if accompanied by the adop tion of a motion of the nature of that which I hold in my hand.

With regard to the intentions entertained by the last admin stration, to propose two acts similar to those I allude to, or to the character of the persons to whom the execu tion of the extraordinary powers which the e acts confer, might be intrusted by either the late or the present government, it is my intention to say very little indeed. Because I do not wish to touch upon any topic of irritation, I will not enter much into comparisons. My hope and desire is to obtain an unanimous assent to the motion, as unanimity is necessary to give it complete effect. I shall abstain cautiously from any thing that resembles invidious distinction. I know that to no set of men could power have been more safely confided than to the members of the late administration. I am sure that in the hands of none would power have been less liable to abuse; and whatever my disinclination to comparison may be, to them cannot be denied this just distinction, that power might have been granted to them with the less reluctance, as they manifested a disposition to accompany its exist ence by every means of concession and conciliation. When I reflect in whom the power of these acts was to have been invested in Ireland; when I consider that it was to have been evercised by the Duke of Bedford, who was not likely to call it into action, unless the necessity was irresistible, and who was in no case likely to abuse it, I must feel that he was peculiarly entitled to confidence. The character of that nobleman formed a guarantee against the apprehension of abused authority. But I have great respect for his successor also (the Duke of Richmond). I know that nobleman well enough, to be certain that he has no disposition to cruelty, that he has no malignant passion to gratify, and that he is above being affected by that gloomy suspicion, or party rancour, which might unnecessarily call for the execution, and materially embitter the operation of such power as these acts ordain. I have no doubt that this nobleman will follow the wise example, will be actuated by the same liberal principles, which served

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to

to render his illustrious predecessor so much the object of panegyric and attachment. 1 should not, therefore, be very materially influenced as to a comparison of persons in power, as to my opinion of the manners and unconstitutional powers which characterise these bills. I am adverse to the principle of such measures, and could never be persuaded to accede to them, unless the necessity were strong and glaring indeed. Upon Monday last I had an opportunity of shewing my motion to several gentlemen on both sides of the House, and had the satisfaction of observing a general disposition to concur in its principle and object. But some gentlemen expressing a wish for time to consider its structure and tendency, I was therefore for postponing the motion until this day, influenced by the request of those who required such a time, in the hope that consideration would serve to remote their doubts and secure their support. In this opinion at least, I acquiesced in the proposed delay, that the effect of it would be to produce the proposition perhaps of some remedy for any defect in the motion, but that delay and deliberation must determine every man in favour of its main object. Retaining still a little of that hope and opinion I do not think it necessary to take up so much of your time, by entering into a detail of the reasons which have induced me to bring forward the motion, and which should urge you to adopt it. Indeed I cannot conceive a ground upon which the rejection of such a motion can be justified, and I am not bound to conjure up objections or anticipate arguments, upon the strength of which no reasoning man can rely. It is impossible that any thinking man should seriously insist upon as an objection to any motion, that which I have heard on other occasions, namely, that danger was to be apprehended from the discussion of such affairs in this House; that it is a topic which ought to be touched as little and as seldom as possible. But I deprecate such a ground of opposition, as full of error and mischief. You conceive that until we get completely rid of the folly and fallacy of such an objection, it will be quite 'impossible for us to apply a remedy to the disorders of that country, and for this obvious reason, that we cannot know the nature of their disorders. What! that we should go on legislating for Ireland in the dark; that we should reject light and information upon a subject to which we are called upon to apply the law, and that law too most penal and severe in its character!

When

When I hear the ministers of the crown declaring with out shame, that they know nothing of the state of Ireland; when I hear the same declaration from the law-officers; when, in fact, no man can speak decisively upon the subject, is it possible, I would ask, to devise a stronger argument than such declared ignorance suggests, to urge the United Parliament to an investigation of this important question? It is not consistent with even the decent appearance of respect for the rights, interests, and liberties of the people of Ireland, to legislate for that country in such total ignorance, or at least such inconsistent contradictory information as we have before us. We have heard one set of gentlemen assert that Ireland is perfectly tranquil, loyal, and united, and this assertion is corroborated by the au thority of a noble lord (Hawkesbury) in the other House of Parliament (a cry of order from the chair), then by a noble lord in another place; and with such authority be fore us, is it right that the constitution of Ireland should be suspended? But further, in support of the allegation that Ireland is undisturbed, and requires not such an act. I find that in a very populous county, where disaffection was supposed to exist, I mean Tipperary, Judge Fox at the late assizes congratulated the people upon the state of the calendar, upon the acknowledged tranquillity of the district, and upon the general good order of the county. I find that not a single charge of disloyalty, sedition, or treason, was to be seen on the calendar throughout the county. I find at Kilkenny the public resolutions of the grand jury testifying, not only the peaceable disposition of the county, but a general and cordial harmony between protestants and catholics, with a strong declaration from a body of the former in favour of the claims of the latter. All these testimonies appear on the one side; on the other, to be sure, I hear a very high authority, an authority certainly of the highest character in my estimation, I mean. the member for Dublin (Mr. Grattan). I hold his autho rity high, because I respect, not only his talents and information, but his integrity; and I feel towards him as warmly as any resident of Ireland, the gratitude to which he is so eminently entitled, for obligations he has rendered to my country. Ministers, I perceive, are willing to ground their proceedings upon the authority of my right honourable friend. Under his great name they would shelter the creation of enormous powers, for which there

may

may be no necessity. At all events, with the information I have received both trom public and private sources, I must contend that no necessity appears. Why, then, should we not inquire? My object is to awake the House to what I conceive, with deference, to be a just sense of its duty; to procure from it a pledge that an inquiry will be instituted, and thus to hold out to the people of Ireland some prospect of redress; some assurance of the friendly disposition of the legislature. That inquiry is necessary, no man can deny; and without full information, I. must say, that it is not becoming in us to take such serious measures with regard to Ireland. We bave, in fact, been legislating for that country upon hearsay and authority alone, and mark, with much more of hearsay and authority against, than for the cause you have pursued. All this too while you have had the means of ample inquiry within your reach. Upon what grounds, then, do you shrink from that inquiry? It is preposterous to pretend that you fly from it because you apprehend danger from discussing the affairs of that country. The fact is, that no topic requires or deserves more of your discussion or investigation. So far from avoiding knowledge upon such a subject, it is highly culpable not to seek it. I profess myself as machin want of knowledge as other persons, and I take some blame to myself on that account; but I shall endeavour by all means in my power to obtain information, and it is with a view to remove my own defect upon this head, as well as the defects of others, that I wish for inquiry:. I wish for inquiry because it is essential, as well in respect to our own character as in justice to the people of Ireland. It is our duty to inquire upon such an occasion, and we should not shrink from that duty through any objection to the trouble that might attend it, or through any idle fear of danger; but least of all through a timid a prehension of the truth. With regard to the motives that have urged me to stand forward upon this occasion, I have been prompted to it by duty and by feeling," My object is, to serve the cause of justice and my country, without exciting any passion or flattering any prejudice. I hope I may take credit for being as little inclined as any man to the use of inflammatory language; as little disposed to promote sedition, or mutiny, or disaffection. For this I think I am entitled to take credit. There is not perhaps a man more strongly convinced than I am, that the very

existence