House were not present on that occasion, and indeed the right honourable gentleman (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) confessed that he was not certain whether or not he attended all the discussions that took place on that subject. But now that the right honourable gentleman did happen to be in his place when the subject was mentioned, he should have thought it would have been more natural for him to have defended the measure on the principle itself, on the same ground as it might be supposed to have been recommended in the speech from the throne. However, at the same time he must declare, that he most cordially agreed with the right honourable gentleman, that if there had been any thing like a trick in the business, if there had been any thing of management in the matter, the noble relation of that right honourable gentleman was of all others the most improper person to select for giving the measure any kind of secret opposition in another place. But the right honourable gentleman considered it to be one of these indifferent, milk-and-water measures, that it was hardly worth his attention; however, to oblige his honourable friend (Mr. Bankes), when he did speak upon it, he gave it a sort of cold support. There was one circumstance, however, that was to him a matter of extreme surprise, which happened to escape the notice of his honourable friend (Mr. Ward); it was to him matter of extreme surprise, if it could be possible that the Lord Chancellor, who delivered the speech in the name of his majesty, in which the labours of the committee of finance were most graciously noticed; if it were possible that the same Lord Chancellor could afterwards ever have thought of opposing the first fruits of their labour, which was brought before him in the form of a legislative proceeding. It would also be to him a matter of extraordinary surprise, if he should be told that a noble lord, who could not certainly be a stranger to official proceedings, taking up a paper, and on looking at it, expressed his surprise most innocently, saying, "Oh dear; so the reversion bill has been rejected in the Lords!" If he should happen to be informed of such circumstances, he must confess that he would be a good deal surprised. But then, some said that the mea sure would trench on the royal prerogative, and therefore it was objectionable. Now, he did not hesitate to say, that with him an objection of that sort had very little weight, as he was decidedly of opinion, that in many in

stances

stances the prerogative of the crown, inasmuch as it obtained influence, ought to be diminished. Some gentlemen, however, took it in another view, and talked of coercing the other House of Parliament. This was what could not bear a serious answer; to talk of coercing them was ridiculous. But so much would he say, that it was the acknowledged right and duty of the House of Commons, to guard the public purse; and that, as guardians of the public purse, they ought, in a measure of finance, which was peculiarly their province, they ought to persevere until they might possibly at length convince the other House of the strength and propriety of their arguments. He should be glad, if it were possible, that a resolution should be framed, expressive of what appeared to be the unanimous opinion of the House on this subject, that it should be carried up to the House of Lords, and that their lordships should then be called upon deliberately to express their opinion on it.

The question was then put on Mr. Bankes's motion, which was carried nemine contrudicente; and it was ordered that the address should be presented to his majesty by such members of that House as are also members of his majesty's most honourable privy council.

Mr. Giddy said a few words about the extraordinary number of small notes in circulation; bat from the low tone of voice in which he spoke, it was impossible to ascertain what was precisely his object.

DUNGARVON PETITION.

Mr. Foster moved, that the House should resume the adjourned debate on the Dungarvon election petition.

The Speaker then observed, that it was his duty to state, that since the time of the passing of the 28th of the king, relative to controverted elections, there had been eleven petitions presented of this nature, with respect to nine of which the prayer had been granted, and two had been refused. He held in his hand a letter from the Lord Mayor of Dublin, stating that the recognizance had in this case been entered into on the 6th of August. By law, fourteen days only were allowed for entering into the necessary recognizance, and it was known that the petition was presented on the 14th of July, of course the recognizance should have been signed on the 28th. It was, however,

for

for the House to decide between the strict interpretation of the law and the particular merits of the case.

Mr. Foster informed the House, that the petitioner was a militia colonel, and was absent from home on military duty.

A long uninteresting conversation then ensued, in the course of which the Chancellor of the Exchequer observed, that as the act of last session gave more extensive time for the return to a writ, with respect to an election in Ireland, than was allowed in England, by parity of reasoning it was to be inferred that a similar indulgence might be expected in other cases.

Mr. Whitbread insisted that this only shewed the defect of the act, which ought to be altered before we could alter the mode of proceeding.

Mr. Windham suggested, that the question of law and fact should be separated.

The Speaker reminded the House of the case on the Saltash petition, when the petitioner in order to secure himself had entered into recognizance three days before he presented his petition. The law was in that case so strictly adhered to, that the petition was thrown out. In point of law the recognizance was not valid, unless it was entered into some time within fourteen days after the presenting of the petition.

After a very lengthened discussion, Mr. Fladgate the solicitor was called in, in order that he might be examined as to the facts of the case. A difference of opinion still remaining, as to the course of proceeding which ought to be adopted, the gallery was cleared. We understand, however, that Mr. Fladgate was again called in and examined.

STATE OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS.

In our absence we understood that Mr. Canning had moved an adjournment till Thursday, and upon our readmission to the gallery we found

Mr. Whitbread on his legs. The honourable gentleman observed, that this country being at present surrounded by the most gloomy prospects which perhaps ever offered to any nation, events were not unlikely to occur which might induce irremediable distress, if the utmost vigour and vigilance were not employed by all the departments of the state to avert the evils that menaced us. In such a

crisis,

crisis, of course, he deprecated the prorogation of Parliament; pregnant as the crisis was, with events which might render it peculiarly desirable for prudent ministers to resort to Parliament for advice. He hoped, therefore, it was not intended by ministers to advise his majesty to prorogue Parliament on Friday next, as rumour stated. Among the causes of gloom and alarm which this country at present witnessed, the honourable gentleman noticed the state of our relations with a particular power; he meant Turkey, with regard to which that House and the country was really unable precisely to decide whether we were at peace or whether we were at war. An ambassador had been appointed to that state, and yet what was the nature of our connexion with it, or our future prospect regarding it, was quite uncertain. But he did not purpose to press any embarrassing questions upon his majesty's ministers as to this topic. There were, however, other points upon which he was anxious, in common with the country at large, to receive all the information which ministers could consistently afford. The first and most important was with respect to the Russian treaty. In that treaty he observed an article specifically referred to the mediation of Russia between this country and France. Now he wished to know whether any direct communication had been received from the court of Petersburgh, in consequence of this article? At the same time he could not help observing, that there was something in the present juncture peculiarly favourable for the restoration of peace upon honourable terms, if ministers dexterously availed themselves of it. Thinking so, he strongly recommended ministers to accept the proposal of negotiation; and, if they would enter upon it in the spirit of peace, he had no doubt that it would terminate in the establishment of that invaluable blessing; but if ministers proceeded upon a different spirit he had serious fears that it would lead to great and per.manent calamity.

The next point upon which the honourable gentleman felt extremely anxious for information, was with regard to America: whether any communication had been made by the American government upon the subject of a recent event on the American coast ; and whether any steps had been taken by ministers in consequence of such communication? This was a question with regard to which the country felt extremely interested, and particularly as to

the

the probable result. These were the two important points upon which he thought it his duty to apply to ministers for information, not only for the satisfaction of that House, but of the country. But with regard to the proposed prorogation, the honourable gentleman called the attention of ministers to other important considerations, which appeared to him strongly to forbid that proceeding so early as was expected. According to the conditions of the Prussian treaty, it was stipulated that our commerce should be excluded from all the ports subject to that power, and it was understood that in consequence of that stipu lation a large expedition had been sent out, with an object in view which exposed us to the liability of having a new enemy. The probability even of such an event ought, in his opinion, strongly to impress upon the minds of ministers, the impropriety of proroguing Parliament, particularly as that probability must, in the nature of things, be so scon determined. While the result of such a proceeding was suspended, and with a just impression of the consequences, should the result be unfavourable, it would obviously be wise in any ministers to keep Parliament together, in order that they might occasionally resort to the aid of its counsel. But there were many other reasons which should impress this advice upon ministers. Among others, the incidents which might arise either out of a negotiation for peace, or a continuance of war; the consequences which might result from the state of our preseat relations with America, and from the nature of our prospects with other powers, all of which it might be proper and necessary immediately to communicate to Parliament, enforced the propriety of postponing the prorogation. But another, and a forcible reason for such postponement, was suggested by the present alarming situation of our West India trade, through which we were likely to have so considerable a portion of our revenue cut off, and with regard to which immediate proceedings ought of course to be taken by Parliament. Under all proceedings, the honourable gentleman expressed his hope and wish, that ministers would not attempt to counsel his majesty to prorogue the Parliament so soon as was reported.

Mr. Canning rose, and spoke to the following effect: I do not rise, sir, for the purpose of offering any argument to justify the exercise of his majesty's prerogative, with

regard