could be considered an evidence of acquiescence, on the oc casion, in 1784, that, under certain circumstances, money might be issued by government without a Parliamentary approbation. (A mark of dissent.) At any rate, he had the authority of a person to whom that, noble lord would not think it a discredit to be compared, the late Mr. Fox, on this head. Before the dissolution in 1784, a resolution had been voted, declaring it to be illegal to issue money in the event of a dissolution, without a Parliamentary appro priation. The dissolution took place, the money was issued, as appeared by accounts moved for and laid on the table in the following session, and yet Mr. Fox never thought of instituting any proceeding upon the subject. The noble lord would not contend that this silence was not an admis sion of the legality of the act; at any rate, the noble lord, who had been at the head of the late government, would not be disposed to disapprove of the course that had been pursued in that instance. A bare resolution of the House was not of any effect after a dissolution or a prorogation, unless taken up in a subsequent session, and confirmed by some legislative enactment. But it might be asked, if these clauses of approbation were not introduced for the first time last session. Of what use was the appropriation act? That act was intended not alone for the appropria tion of sums raised by loans, but other sums raised in that way, and the preamble of that act stated, that it was for the appropriation of particular sums to particular services, and for the further appropriation of other sums not appro priated by Parliament, which implied, that appropriations had been antecellently made during the session. Another inconvenience which the noble lord had stated to arise from the dissolution, was the interruption of the proceedings of the committee of finance, which could not in this session be prosecuted to any successful issue. No man could doubt that it was the deliberate determination of the pro sent ministers to revive that committee; and undoubtedly there could be no reason why the proceedings of the former committee should not be referred to the revived one. The noble lord had stated, that the committee should be re newed as nearly as possible of the same members as before, with the exception of the only two meinbers, who from their Parliamentary conduct, could be considered as the friends of the present ministers. There were, undoubtedly, some members in the committee, not connected with either

party.

party. This, therefore, would be an extraordinary mode of reviving the committee, and the House would do well to recollect the manner in which that committee had been formed. The honourable gentleman who had first proposed the appointment of that committee, had met the kind support of the noble lord (Lord H. Petty) who as kindly took the nomination out of his hands. The honourable gen tleman, no doubt, had been appointed on the cominitec, but when he wished afterwards to have one or two of his friends nominated to it, his application was resisted, because it was indispensable that the committee should consist of twenty-one members only. Yet in a few days this imperious necessity vanished, and the noble lord himself proposed the addition of three other members. In this manner it was that this just and enquiring committee had been formed (Hear! hear). But it should be remembered that another administration of government had also taken place, whose acts were to be enquired into, and yet the committee was to be composed as before. This, however, would hereafter be subject of discussion, when the com mittee would be to be revived, and when it would be most seasonable to state the particular acts of that other adminis tration that called for enquiry. As to what had fallen from the noble lord on. the subject of India, he saw no reason why the same course that had been in contemplation last session, might not be pursued in this. Bnt though no inconvenience would result to the private business, and no breach of law. had been committed in the appropriation of the public money, there was one point upon which he felt, that it would be necessary for him and his colleagues to come to the House for indemnity-he meant their having taken upon themselves to continue the provisions of the American treaty, which had expired since the dissolution." This treaty had been renewed from time to time, and be trusted the House would admit the propriety of the conduct of government respecting i', considering the circum stances of our relations with that country. Another topic of charge made by the noble lord was with respect to the Irish customs; but he was happy to state, that this bill could be passed without any violation of the order of this House, or of the House of Peers, and without any incon venience to the public service. He proposed, that the bill should be brought in, and read a first time, after the debate this night; that it should be read a second time the next

day,

day, and referred to a committee of the whole House on Monday next, in which case, the bill might be finally passed on Tuesday se'unight, the day next but one after the present bill would expire. This bill had been passed in a similar manner by the gentlemen opposite, last session. The noble lord had objected to the dissolution, whilst the events that caused it were yet fresh, and whilst a cry existed, which had been termed base, false, and beastly, but which had pervaded a great majority of the country; and the noble lord had put it to him as a lawyer, or a man, whether he thought that the concessions to the catholics were a violation of the king's coronation oath? But if neither the indulgences that had been given to the catholics, nor the concessions then proposed, were, or would be, a violation of the coronation oath, he would maintain that if his majesty, the obligation of whose oath was personal, thought them dangerous to the church, they ought not to be forced upon him, on the authority of any minister. The noble lord had adverted to his conduct on former occasions, as inconsistent with his present conduct. But the noble lord alluded particularly to his conduct in 1801, when Mr. Pitt went out of office. He should have recollected what was the situation of the country at that time, and what was the conduct of the receding minister, who did not retire reluctantly from office, nor oppose his successors with a view to force himself again into office. Had any attempt been made to bring his majesty to the bar of that House?-As to the measure of the noble lord, he should solemnly and sincerely declare, that if carried, it would have proved extremely dangerous to the church, because it was only a beginning of a system which was to be followed up by a repeal of the Test acts on the first convenient opportunity. Would the noble lord state that they would repeal the Test act? (Yes). Then they could not think it surprising, that those who thought the repeal of these acts dangerous to the protestant church should oppose their bill. The noble lord had said, that the measure had been dropped; but was it not to be taken up at a convenient opportunity? He contended that it was the duty of those who thought the repeal of the Tests dangerous, to oppose this bill. But then they were told of the inhuman cry that had been set up, and of the blood that might be spilt in consequence. If the cry were false, why had it produced such an effect, or spread like wildfire over the kingdom? It VOL. I.-1807.

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was not the speech in Parliament, nor the address to: his constituents at Northampton, of so humble an individual as himself, that could produce such an effect. He gave the gentlemen opposite credit for having brought forward the bill as a measure of conciliation, but he was convinced that the destruction of it had prevented the grievance. Though it might have conciliated one party, it would have encountered the most determined opposition from another. As to his conduct in the year 1804, the measure that had then been adopted was only to allow his majesty to take into his pay 10,000 foreign troops, some of them Catholics. What had that to do with the establishment? It was only a temporary measure, resorted to during a war. Could any man suppose that his majesty would think of appointing any ene of these foreign officers as first lord of the admiralty, or commander in chief? It was not the effect of the latemeasure alone, but its consequences that he apprehended. Another charge brought against ministers by the noble lord was, that the influence of government had been exercised beyond all former example, at the late election. He was convinced, however, that no case could be produced parallel to what had been brought under the consi deration of the last Parliament, with respect to the Hamp shire election. The noble lord had instanced one case respecting Mr. Grogan, but this was the first he had heardof it. The noble lord had then stated, that it was notorious that 100 inspecting field officers had been appointed to the volunteer force previous to the election, with a view to influence the electors. There might or might not be merit in the appointment of these officers, but his majesty's present ministers, when out of power, had recommended the measure, and now they were in office they had adopted it. But the same officers that had been emploed before were appointed, and they had not been appointed until after the election, and this was the measure which the noble lord had represented as an exercise of corrupt influence at elections beyond all former example. The noble lord appeared to him rather rash in his charge, and not to be acquainted with some of the acts of his colleagues: what would the House think of the nomination of three hundred, not inspecting, but surveying officers of the taxes, who could not be appointed either in law, or in fact, till an act of Parliament should be passed to authorise the ap

pointment?

pointment? What would they think of the designation of so many officers, previous to the election of that Par liament which was to pass the act, which was to authorise the appointment of these officers? The appointment had not taken place, because the act had not passed, and there remained for the gentlemen opposite only to send lamentable letters of apology, where they had no longer the power to realize their engagements. Whether or not these officers were necessary, he did not take upon him then to express any opinion. The noble lord had stated his approbation of that expression in the speech, which declared his majesty's determination to cultivate the friendship of foreign powers, and yet asked whether it was meant by that to insinuate that the late government had been guilty of any neglect upon that head. Certainly no insinuation of opinion had been intended one way or the other, and he could truly say, that he agreed in every sentiment expressed by the noble lord upon the subject. The noble lord had said, that it was intended to impute blame to the late ministers, by the expression of his majesty's regret introduced into the speech, for the failure of the negotiation with the Porte. But undoubtedly, regret for its failure could not be construed to imply disapprobation of the negotiation, the failure of which excited regret. But then the operations in the sea of Marmora, and in Egypt, had been introduced; and here he could most consciontiously say, that infinite labour had been bestowed on the composition of that passage, so as that it might convey an account of the transactions historically, without imputing blame to any person. If the noble lord were to ask their opinion of these, as military measures, it would not be difficult to give the reply, but unquestionably no such thing was intended by the passage in the s; eech. He should not trespass more at length on the attention of the House, but just to notice two or three other topics, which had been adverted to by the noble lord. The noble lord had alluded to the military measure which had originated with his right honourable friend, and expressed his hopes that they would give it a fair trial. In all his observations on this measure, his comparisons were founded on the combined operation of the regular recruiting, and the measure which was then proposed to be repealed, and which, conjointly, he still contended, afforded a more ample supply than the right honourable gentleman's sys

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