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capability of instruction which had been given him, and our object ought to be to augment, and not extinguish, this glory of our nature. He would be surprised that in any country there should be an opposition to instruction, but more particularly in a country like this. If our liberties led to such an abuse of our faculties, it might be a subject for consideration whether the body ought not to be enslaved rather than the soul. As to the former part of the preamble, he could not assent to leave it out, as it was the most important part of it. He also thought that the latter part of it ought to be retained. This was due to Scotland in a regulation of this sort.

Mr. Lockhart wished the preamble of the bill to be retained.

Mr. Grattan was of opinion that Scotland was the most literary part of these kingdoms. The progress it had made in philosophy did it the highest credit. He could, however, by no means admit that Ireland was illiterate. But he was still a friend to the bill, and to its preamble.

On the suggestion of the Speaker, Mr. P. Carew agreed that the amendments he proposed on the preamble, should not be moved all at once, but in their order. In this way his first amendment would stand thus, "That whereas the 'religious' instruction of youth tends much to the promotion of morality and virtue."

Mr. Whitbread objected to this amendment on the ground that the introduction of the word religious went to give a false gloss to the bill, which was not meant to convey instruction by oral teaching.

Mr. Wilberforce, after the word was proposed, could not object to it.

Mr. Whitbread proposed that it should rather stand, "whereas the instruction of youth tends much to the promotion of religion,' morality, and virtue," &c.

Mr. Sheridan said, the term "religious instruction" would go to exclude the children of dissenters from the benefits of the act.

Mr. P. Carew suggested, that the clause should be worded thus, that "whereas the instruction of youth in religion, morality, and virtue, tends much," &c.

Mr. Whitbread and Mr. Wilberforce both objected to this amendment, on the ground that it went to vary the whole intention and meaning of the clause, which expressVOL. 1.-1807.

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ed an opinion that instruction was productive of the good effects there enumerated.

On the suggestion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, it was at last resolved that the clause should stand thus, "whereas the right' instruction of youth tends greatly to the promotion of religion, morality, and virtue," &c.

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On the following words, "whereof we have the most convincing proof in that part of Great Britain called Scotland." Mr. Pole Carew moved that these words be omitted.

Mr. Sheridan thought that the introduction of the word "religion," had rendered the expression less characteris tic. He was not aware that Scotland was more religious than the other parts of the empire.

Mr. Whitbread rather felt fortified in his opinion.
The House divided,

For the original words of the preamble
For the omitting them

33

28

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Majority in favour of the preamble On the motion for the third reading of the bill on Thursday,

The Chancellor of the Exchequer submitted to Mr. Whitbread, as there was little prospect of the bill's getting through the other House during the present session, if it would not be better to have it re-printed as amended, so that it might be resumed on the commencement of the next session, as a measure which had been approved of inthat House, rather than as one which had been thrown out in another place.

Mr. Whitbread wished the bill to take its chance in the other House. If its progress was stopped in consequence, of his majesty thinking it proper to prorogue Parliament, that could not be regarded as a rejection, but as an unavoidable delay of the measure, which would again come forward with no worse grace than that which had formerly attended it.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer did not oppose the motion for the third reading, which was accordingly fixed for Thursday.

DELIVERY OF WRITS.

Mr. Burkam rose, agreeably to notice, to move for leave to bring in a bill for regulating the delivery of election

writs from the king's messenger to the sheriff. In doing so he took occasion to allude to the scandalous abuses which had been seen to exist in this respect. The House had, however, refused to receive the evidence on this head of the person best acquainted with the subject, and that too after he had been summoned to attend at the bar of the House. What he should, therefore, assert, on the information he had received, would not, he hoped, be attempted to be refuted, unless the House afforded him the testimony of which he had been eager to avail himself. The fact was, that the messenger to whom these writs were delivered, received at the same time, from the treasury, a list of persons containing the names of those to whom it was recommended that he should deliver them; and it was also a fact, that an officer from the treasury did attend during the delivery, to enforce these recommenda tions. He did not charge this against the present ministers, similar practices had, for many years, been adopted by their predecessors. He hoped, however, now that the case was brought forward, that he should be supported in his endeavour to check the evil; and he was more particularly confident of support from those gentlemen who, on a late occasion, had so loudly decried the appearence of interference on the part of a secretary of the treasury in the Hampshire election. Two suggestions had been made to him as calculated to produce the object he had in view. One was, that as soon as the writs were sealed up they should be delivered to agents in this town appointed by the sheriffs. This, it was seen, would not answer. The agents so appointed would have the same discretion over the writ as the person to whom it might be intrusted under the present practice. His plan therefore was, that the writs should all on one day be delivered sealed up to the secretary of the Post Office who should give his receipt for them. He should be obliged next day to transmit the whole to their respective places of destination. The post master as each town should in like manner grant his receipt for the parcel the moment it came to his band, and the sheriff or his deputy should grant a similar receipt on the writ being finally handed over to him. In this way he thought security and dispatch would both be sufficiently provided for. No mode of conveyance could possibly be more secure than the post, and the space of five days would be sufficient to convey a writ to the most distant part of the country,

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country, so that the sheriff would immediately on application receive it, or discover if any undue detention was attempted. As to the fees to be granted for writs, he should propose the appointment of a committee to inquire into them. He accordingly moved to leave to bring in a bill for ensuring the certainty and dispatch in the delivery of writs for the elections of members of Parliament. Leave given.

Mr. Lushington wished to call the attention of ministers, and particularly of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to a subject which he conceived was of the utmost importance. He meant a report of the committee on the West India trade, which had already been on the table for 14 days, If some remedy was not speedily applied on this subject, he did not see what was to prevent the ruin of the West India trade.

The honourable member was here called to order by the Speaker, who informed him that such latitude was not allowed on any subject, in either asking a question or giving notice of a inotion.

- Mr. Lushington said he only wished to ask if it was the intention of the right honourable gentleman to adopt any of the modes proposed by that committee?

The Chancellor of the Exchequer answered, but in a tone of voice altogether inaudible. We understood, however, that he alluded to the circumstance of the report not being yet printed, and that not having come through his hands, he was not master of its contents.

Mr. Windham moved for the returns of the effective strength of the army at particular periods. Ordered.

IRISH ARMS BILL.

Mr. Long having moved that the House do now go into a committee on the Irish arms bill.

Mr. Whitbread said, that there was in the bill many very objectionable clauses, such, indeed, as seemed to him to be allurements to the enemy, rather than checks on the disaffected. It being his wish however, to render the bill as palatable as possible, he should not oppose the Speaker's leaving the chair, but should move those amendments in the committee, which, if agreed to, would in some measure reconcile him to the bill.

Mr. Herbert thought it would have been much more desirable at such a period as the present, had the bill of

last

last session been carried into a law, in which case they might now have been passing an act for the distribution, rather than the restriction of the use of arms.

Mr. Long observed, that the clauses; of this bill had made a part of the former insurrection b'll, and had only been changed for the purpose of mitigation. The bill had been prepared by the late attorney general for Ireland, and, if it was necessary six months ago, nothing had since occurred to make it less necessary. Every attention would be paid to whatever suggestions the honourable gentleman might be disposed to make with a view to its amendment,

Mr. Elliot admitted that the draft of the bill had been prepared by order of the late government, but that the clauses had not been finally determined upon. Many of the clauses required' modification, and if his honourable friend had not intimated his intention to propose the amendments he was to move, it would have been his duty to do so. At the same time, he must say, that the late gogovernment would not have taken upon themselves the responsibility for the state of Ireland, without the controul of this measure properly modified. For this reason, he should not oppose the Speaker's leaving the chair.

Sir John Newport said, that unless many of the clauses in the bill should be mitigated, he could not vote for its passing. The extreme severity of some of them would defeat the end for which they were designed. He had himself never seen either this or the insurrection bill, till they had been before the House. If a clause were not introduced for limiting the duration of the act, he should be obliged to resist it in toto.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer declared, that though the clause of limitation had been omitted in the bill, it had never been the intention of his right honourable friends to make it permanent. As to the observation of the honour able gentleman opposite (Mr. Herbert), that if the bill which had been brought forward last session had passed, this measure would have been unnecessary, he had only to observe, that the gentlemen who had brought that measure forward, had thought this bili in some shape necessary, The late government could not undertake the responsibility for the state of Ireland without it. When the situation of the country was considered, gentlemen would be aware of the necessity of making provision to prevent improper persons from collecting a quantity of arms for illegal purposes.

The

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