opinions on these points were the same as they had been expressed at different times. It had been said, that he regularly opposed some, and supported the general policy of others, from whom, however, he differed on particular occasions, with a view to furnish an appearance of impartiality. He certainly was partial to his friends, whom he generally supported, although he might occasionally differ from them; and for this reason, that they, as it had been emphatically said on a former occasion, were statesmen, and not placemen, and therefore open to conviction. But whether he differed from them or agreed with them or any one else, his object was to do the country all the service in his power. But it had been said, that he nniformly objected to the policy of Lord Grenville. This certainly was true; but it ought to be considered that Lord Grenville had opposed one of the worst acts of the late war, and that was the Spanish war. At all events, he (Mr. Whitbread) had certainly seen no reason to alter his own opinions. It had been said on a former occasion,' in negotiating a peace, that such a thing was a “sine qua non," ," and it had been asked, would you conclude a peace without this object; to which he answered, yes; because, if you went on a little longer your " sine qua non" would be much lower. But the noble lord had said, "why were you not ready with an army to act with Prussia?" The reason was pretty obvious. Till Prussia conceded Hanover, if we were to act at all, we must have acted against her, because she was acting against us. The battle of Auerstadt soon followed, by which the Prussian monarchy was totally annihilated. How could you send troops before that battle? If you could send them in a balloon, then something might have been said. But no sanguine opinion had been entertained of the success of Prussia on that occasion, and events proved that there were but too much grounds for apprehension. He would not go into the declamatory parts of the right honourable gentleman's speech, and he believed he had replied to the argumentative part already. The late administration had succeeded those who had not dared to go on with the business of the nation; though now they had all of a sudden acquired new and extraordinary powers, and thought themselves fit to be ministers. That administration had found the country involved in war. The battle of Austerlitz had been fought; the peace of Presburg had been concluded; concluded; and it was uncertain whether Russia would go any further. Prussia had refused to embark in the contest; the disposal of all the Russian force was offered her if she would engage in it; she rejected the offer; and afterwards, with an insane rashness, she had entered into the war, without concert or allies, because Hanover was to be restored to England. The consequences of all this were now well known. Who were the cause of these disasters? Were they to be ascribed to the late adminis tration? If the gentlemen on the other side thought they were, it was their duty to bring forward a specific charge on that subject. They must then be prepared with proofs; but if they had no proofs to produce, it would not answer their purpose to deal in vague and idle assertion. He thought that it would be extremely proper to institute an inquiry into these transactions, that the cause of our continental disasters might be ascertained and guarded against in future. With a view to effect this he would, if the honourable gentleman on the other side thought fit, move for the correspondence between Prussia and England. As to the question of the transports, it was proper certainly to inquire into this as well as into all the acts of any administration. But comparatively, however, it was one of little importance, and might be better discussed upon another occasion. This was not the moment for that discussion. With respect to the expedition of the adminis tration preceding the late one, what has it done? Lord Cathcart had been sent to Germany, and what had been the effects? With regard to the expeditions now sending out, he hoped they would effect their object without maka ing matters worse than they were. In answer to an ob servation from Mr. Canning, that he (Mr. Whitbread) and Mr. Fox had praised the policy of Prussia, he said that Mr. Fox's opinion had naturally varied as the conduct of Prussia had varied. But had his (Mr. Fox's) advice been taken, the continent would at this moment have been safe. Mr. Canning and Mr. Whitbread said a few wor dsin explanation. Mr. Windham observed, that the right honourable gentleman seemed to think it a great triumph, to answer any arguments which he himself had coined, and put in the mouths of others. He pointed out several mis-statements in the course of the right honourable gentleman's speech, speech, and said that he seemed to have got a receipt for making speeches. He wished the House to mark how the right honourable gentleman had resorted to the expe dient of a second person, in a dialogue, in whose mouth he put ridiculous statements, that he might have the pleas sure of answering them. The resolution was then agreed to. On the question that 51,7247. be allowed for the waggon train, Mr. Windham argued that it was useless in this country to keep up a large establishment of this sort, and that it had been in the contemplation of the late ministers to re duce them. The present estimate must be voted, but it might be diminished in future, as the establishment might be reduced from ten troops to four. After a few words from Lord Castlereagh, the Secretary at War, and Mr. Huskisson, the resolution was agreed to. On the question, that 15,000l. be granted for inspecting field officers of volunteers. Mr. Windham contended, that even in the opinion of the volunteers themselves, these were useless. They might be inspected by the generals of the districts. This had been a project to answer election purposes. As it had done all the good it could do in that way, he thought the ministers might give up the matter, and save some expence to the public. The Secretary at War wished to know if the inspec tion by generals of districts had been practised during the right honourable gentleman's administration. The number of volunteers, he believed, was in many instances greater where there were no general officers. As to the idea of a job, he asserted that the inspecting field officers had in general, or rather without an exception, been reappointed, without regard to the degree of interest they might possess. It could, therefore, be of little consequence whether the reappointment had taken place on the eve of an election or not. He contended that the volunteer spirit had greatly subsided in many counties since that right honourable gentleman had come into office. Mr. Windham admitted that a relaxation in the vo lunteering spirit had taken place; but maintained that it had manifested itself some considerable time previous to his coming into office. General Tarleton said the volunteer; in the district in which he had the honour to command, could never have reached the state of discipline to which they had arrived, but for the exertions of the inspecting field officers. If an invasion had taken place two years ago, they should have been able, from that district, in the course of two days, to have produced 30,000 men within ten miles of the metropolis. Mr. Calcraft wished to know why the inspecting field officers had not rather been taken from among officers on half pay, who were at present scantily provided for, instead of being composed of persons who did not belong to the army. As to the charge so often made, of the relaxation on the part of the volunteers, after his right hon. friend (Mr. Windham) came into power, he begged it to be recollected, that they had decreased in the year preceding from 400,000 to 318,000. Mr. Rose retorted the charge of a job, by alluding to the 300 surveyors of taxes, proposed to have been appointed by the late administration. Mr. Beresford deprecated the system of recrimination, which, on every subject, had become so much the practice of members on both sides of the House. As to the subject immediately before the House, he felt himself necessitated to say, that the language held in that House by the right honourable gentleman, and the measures adopted by him, had such an effect on the volunteers in Ireland, as to make at least one half of those who had been most zealous in the service turn their backs to it. The Solicitor-General of Scotland and Mr. Rose, jun. supported the proposition. Dr. Lawrence opposed it. The Secretary at War, in answer to a question of Mr. Calcraft's, why a greater number of half-pay officers were not employed as inspecting and field officers, alledged the difficulty of procuring field officers on the half-pay to accept of such situations. He stated, that he at this moment wanted a half-pay major for a regiment with which he was connected, and if the honourable gentleman knew of such a person, whom he could recommend, he (the Secretary at War) should be happy to avail himself of his services. As to the saving to government, however, from employing officers from the half-pay, that was founded on mistake, the fact being that all staff officers were entitled to their VOL. 1.-1807. half-pay, 4 C half-pay, besides the pay belonging to any other service, in which they might be employed. Sir. G. Hill having alluded to an expression supposed to have fallen from Mr. Windham on a former occasion, that the volunteers would prove a 66 repository of panic," in the event of an invasion, Mr. Windham declared that to have been a misrepresentation. He never meant such an expression as applicable particularly to the volunteers or to the yeomanry. He said what he would now repeat, that if great bodies of men were to be assembled together, subject as all men were to a greater or smaller degree of panic, that it must attach much more where there was a deficiency in discipline, than where the men were completely disciplined. He meant it as no reflection, but surely it was a strange time for accusing him on this head, when gentlemen on the other side, from something of a similar kind, but surely much less applicable, were going to dismantle the militia. After a few words from Mr. Shaw Lefevre, When strangers were admitted into the gallery, The Chancellor of the Exchequer was proposing a vote of credit. This he proposed should be 700,000l. more than that proposed by lord Henry Petty, which amounted to 2,200,000l. In this was the whole sum which the committee would be called on to vote, 4,500,000l. for Great Britain, and 500,000l. for Ireland. Of these sums there were abroad, appropriated for making up the deficiencies of the subsidies last year 800,000. The military services already voted might, on a moderate computation, amount to 1,500,000l. making together 2,100,000. leaving the total of the vote of credit, applicable to such emergencies as might occur, 2,900,0001. On the question being put, that the sum of 4,500,0007. be granted to his majesty, to enable him to take such measures as the exigency of affairs might require, for England, Lord 11. Petty objected to the extravagance of the sum |