support. Would that they might also be brought to discountenance the means by which religious animosities were fomented in Ireland, where by the principles instilled by the catechism taught in the charter schools, the infant mind of the protestant is poisoned with prejudices against the catholic. Yet those who encourage that system of education, accuse the catholic of uncharitableness and intolerance, the early vices which they themselves must be conscious they are indulging against those very persons to whom they impute. But is not that the height of uncharitableness? is it not a refinement of tyranny, a tyranny that falls little short of that which characterised the most accomplished of tyrants, Tiberius? Still under all these discouraging depressions, he would warn the people of Ire land not to look abroad to assistance or redress, but to bear with patience their present grievances, and to hope for a fuller enjoyment of their rights. That they could only expect from the wisdom and liberality of this country: if they looked for their rights elsewhere, they would only find the rights of the sword.

Lord Limerick was sorry to hear the language and the sentiments that fell from the noble lord, for they could be productive of no good. Why eternally introduce the claims of the catholic? why insinuate that they had reason not to love the constitution, and that at a moment when they enjoyed almost every thing the constitution could bestow? If the noble lord wished to trace the cause of the discontents in Ireland, he perhaps might find them in this country, and trace them to such speeches as he himself had just made. He might also trace their object to the principles avowed by the leaders of the late rebellion in that country, who avowed themselves to have other objects in view than catholic emancipation or parliamentary reform. Against the operation of such principles it was that measures like the present must be adopted; and perhaps the more frequent enforcement of them might have prevented the spreading of disorders, and the mischiefs that sprung from them. He admired much the personal character of the noble duke who was la.ely at the head of the Irish government; but had that noble person allowed the coun y of Mayo to be proclaimed during the excesses of the threshers, the contagion would not have spread into, the adjoining counties, and many persons would have escaped

caped from the sword of justice, who on account of that injudicious lenity, and fallen under it. So little was the real state of Ireland understood, and consequently so ill adapted to the means employed to govern it. ***

The Duke of Bedford rose under visible agitation, to vindicate himself from the charge brought against him by the noble earl. He had acted in Ireland not only to the best of his judgment, but from the advice of those who were most competent to direct him. He it no regret at the part he had acted. It was not in the county of Mayo, but in that of Sligo, where the disturbances then prevailed.

Lord Kingston made a few observations on the distur bances in the county of Sligo.

The Earl of Hardwicke was inimical to the practice of proclaiming districts where it could possibly be avoided. With respect to the bill, its necessity had been so forcibly urged to him by persons possessing a competent knowledge of the state of Ireland, that he could not object to it.

Lord Carleton deprecated the tendency of that line of argument which the noble lord on the opposite bench (Lord Holland) had thought proper to pursue, because he thought that argument calculated to justify the disturbances which had so long agitated Ireland. With regard to the statements of the noble lord who had lately resided over the government of Ireland, he could not admit that they should operate against this bill. For although those noble lords, in the circumstances which arose during their respective administrations, saw no necessity for acting on the law which this bill proposed to re-enact, it did not therefore follow that this bill was unnecessary.

Lord Hardwicke, in explanation, stated, that this bill was much more obnoxious to him than the existing law, because by this bill the responsibility of those who were to execute the law was in a great measure done away, in consequence of the introduction of new clauses.

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Earl Selkirk declared himself a decided friend to catholic emancipation; but still thinking that in consequence of a very long train of mismanagement towards Ireland, such indeed as no nation perhaps had ever experienced, and the effects of which were too inveterate to be immedi ately cured by catholic emancipation, or by any one measure of conciliation, he felt himself bound to vote for

1. this

this bill; the necessity for which he sincerely deplored. Much, he thought, must be done towards fully reconciling Ireland to its connection with this country, and certainly one of the means should be catholic emancipation; the benefits of which were to his judgment obvious, while the dangers were but imaginary. As to the benefits, one of the first would be to put an end to a catholic political party in Ire land, to which party persons averse to the measure so much objected. But this party owed the origin of its existence, and the cement of its connection, to the catholic disabilities. Let those disabilities be removed, and the party would be heard of no more; but while the disabilities were suffered to continue, so long would the party they affected continue to combine; and very naturally too. The oppression of any body of men, as a body, would ever dispose such men to confederate for their common relief and protection. But this was human nature. If it were resolved to inflict penalties upon all men whose names began with a P. he had no doubt that all the P.'s would combine to guard against or remove the penalty, (4 laugh). Upon the same principle, he conceived the catholic party to be formed in Ireland. Now, as to the danger apprehended from catholic emancipation, with regard to the advancement of the catholic clergy, and thẻ consequent insecurity of the protestant establishment, he considered it as quite visionary, particularly, because the grant of that emancipation would serve to dissolve the catholic party and to detach the catholic laity from the clergy, about whose aggrandizement, if put in possession of their own civil privileges, he rather believed the laity would feel very little solicitude, and without the laity what was to be apprehended from the clergy.

If the catholic claims were acceded to, the noble carl was of opinion that a great deal would be done towards terminating the internal dissentions in Ireland. The catholic population indeed of that country had not at any time been so adverse to their protestant countrymen, because they were protestants, as because they were the descendants and advocates of those by whom their country had been originally conquered. Means must be adopted to obliterate or to soften that prejudice among the catholics. While the emancipation was refused, jealousy could not fail to exist among the catholics and protestants of Ireland. But that jealousy was not in any degree só Vou. 1.-1807. ST much

much to be attributed to the character of their religious differences, as to the nature of their civil distinctions. For the civil union of catholics and protestants was per fectly compatible. Strong facts to sustain this opinion, bad, indeed, come within his own immediate knowledge. In the province of Upper Canada, where the civil privilege of catholic and protestant are the same, he had full opportunity of observing them, he had witnessed repeated instances of their cordial views, and complete indifference to religious distinction in civil matters. He happened once to be in that province, at the time of a general election of their representatives to the provincial assembly; and in one county, where nine-tenths of the people were catholics and the remainder protestants, they elected protestant representatives, while in another county, where the great majority were protestants, or, indeed, but few catholics, they elected catholic representatives.

The noble lord concluded with repeating the regret he felt that the bill before the House should be necessary to the security of Ireland, and his wish that every endeavour should be used to devise means for promoting the perma nent quiet and prosperity of that country.

The bill was read a second time, and ordered to be com mitted the next day.

Lord Holland hoped that it would not be deemed irres gular in any noble lord to whom it might be personally inconvenient to attend the next day, to avail himself of a right seldom exercised, namely, to propose amendments on the third reading of the bill.

The Lord Chancellor acquiesced in the right of any noble lord to do as the noble baron had mentioned.

The other orders of the day were disposed of, and the House adjourned.

The military commissioners bill was read a third time and passed.

Mr. Byng presented petitions from St. Mary, Isling ton, and other parishes, against the parochial school bill.

A person from the exchequer presented an account of the sums issued that had not been made good by Parliament. Ordered to lie on the table.

Mr.

Mr. Hobhouse brought up the report of the committee on the excise duties. The resolution was read, that a duty of sixpence per square yard should be imposed on silk handkerchiefs exported to and imported from Ireland to and from Great Britain. Resolution agreed to, and a bill ordered accordingly.

The coffee warehousing bill was reported, and ordered to be read a third time the next day.

The public accountant and post office bills were read a second time, and ordered to be committed the next day.

Mr. Rose moved, 1st. for an account of the receipt and expenditure of the sums voted for the naval asylum. 2d. A stateinent of the cloaths, &c. &c. allowed to the officers. 3d. An estimate of the expences of the establishment for half a year. 4th. An account of the total sum for the additional buildings. 5th. A statement of the expences attending the grant from Parliament in 1805. 6th. A com parative estimate of the expences of the naval and military asylum. All the motions agreed to.

The House resolved itself into a committee to consider the expediency of allowing the importation of Swedish herrings.

Mr. Rose proposed a resolution, that it was expedient to permit the importation of Swedish herrings, on the payment of a duty of sixpence and sevenpence per barrel of thirty-two gallons size. Resolution agreed to, and report the next day.

Mr. Rose brought up the calico exportation bounty bill. Read a first and ordered to be read a second time the next day.

The Dublin paving bill was committed. Report the next day.

The Surrey and Middlesex police magistrates' bill was. reported, and ordered to be read a third time the next day.

WOOLLEN MANUFACTURES.

The expiring laws bill was committed. The bill was divided into two, the one relating to the British fisheries, the other to the suspension of the woollen manufacture laws.

Mr. Rose proposed to fill up the blank in the former, with the 25th of March ;" and in the latter, with "the end of the next session of Parliament." If the noble lord, however, (Milton) persisted in his resolution to have the suspension