that the committee had gone through the bill, and that the report was ordered to be received the next day.

The other orders of the day was then disposed of, and the House adjourned at half past one.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

WEDNESDAY, JULY 29.

Counsel were further heard in the appeal Wharton v, May. To be heard again on Friday.

Several bills were brought up froin the Commons, and read a first time; and the bills already on the table were forwarded in their respective stages.

HIS MAJESTY'S MESSAGES.

Lord Hawkesbury then moved the order of the day, for taking into consideration the gracious communications which he had the preceding day the honour of delivering to the House. In moving an address of thanks to his ma jesty for these communications, he only followed in form the usual proceeding of the House; and as to the object and matter of the first of them, he did not anticipate any material objection. It simply announced, that a treaty had been entered into with his Swedish majesty to subsidize a certain number of Swedish troops to be employed on a particular service, and which treaty rested on the basis of the former one; the only difference being, that instead of 14,000 men, for which the former treaty stipu lated, the present treaty made an addition of 4,000 men to the former, making in the whole 18,000 men, the addition to be on the same terms as the number of troops originally stipulated. With respect to what regarded Prussia, there could scarcely be any difference of opinion as the urgency of his Prussian rajesty's affairs appeared to require it. Some advances of money had been made to relieve him. In addition to the 80,600 advanced by the late administration, his majesty's present government had made a further addition of 100,00 7.; the other assistance in arms, ammunition, &c. amounted to 200,000. These were the sums to be made good; and the object of the address he was about to move was, that their lordships do concur in making good the summs. His lordship concluded with moving and reading an address to that effect.

Lord Holland would not object to the address; but, at

the

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the same time, he could not help observing, that he was at a loss to conceive the grounds upon which ministers proceeded in making the second treaty, if they saw that his Swedish majesty was unable to carry the first into execution. No doubt his Swedish majesty would have done every thing in his power to fulfil his engagements.

Lord Lauderdale felt very anxious to be informed, if the papers upon the table contained every thing which his majesty's ministers had done towards procuring continental co-operation, and more intimately cementing our continental connexions and alliances. If they had done no more, how could they justify the language which they put into his majesty's speech, at the close of the last session. A pompous paragraph was there introduced, which held forth to the country the assurance, that ministers had been employed in drawing closer the ties that connected us with our allies, and in preparing the means of co-operation and concert, by which alone a rational hope could be entertained of resisting the ambition of the enemy, and of finally procuring a solid and safe peace., Surely what appeared from the papers now upon the table, could contribute little or nothing towards the accomplishment of that object. With what views then could ministers have introduced into the king's speech, this big promise of doing a great deal, while in effect they had done nothing, except with the invidious one of endeavouring insidiously to contrast their own conduct with that of their predecessors in office?

Lord Hawkesbury thanked the noble lord for having afforded him this opportunity of explanation. The pas sage in the speech to which the noble lord had alluded, promised no more than his majesty's ministers had been prepared to perform. Their propositions to the continental powers were not confined to what appeared in the papers now before their lordships, but embraced offers of much greater magnitude in case of further and more extensive co-operation. But they still kept pace with the efforts which those powers were likely to make, and with the degree of effect with which it was probable they might be attended. Unfortunately, however, the hopes of this more effectual and successful co-operation were now at an end; and no more pecuniary advances have been made to eur allies than those referred to in his majesty's message. Lord Holland here took occasion to inveigh against the principle

principle of holding out to foreign powers the temptation of subsidies, in order to excite them to take a part in the war. He himself had witnessed and observed the mischievous effec's of that principle, and it was one which he should ever reprobate and resist as influencing the conduct of this country, with respect to its continental connexions." The attemp prematurely to plunge other powers into hostilities had made the most unfavourable impression abroad. Such allurements on our part seemed to make the subjects of the sovereigns in alliance with us imagine that their governments bartered their blood for British gold, and so far that idea went to destroy the moral energy by which they might wield the physical strength which we were so ready to purchase from them. He should ever set his face, therefore, against the throwing out of such enticements, and he had seriously to regret, that we had too long and too often acted upon that principle.

Lord Mulgrave was astonished to hear the noble lord indulge in such observations, and impute to his majesty's government motives and views which had never guided their conduct. Where was the proof that his majesty's present ministers ever held out subsidies as allurements and enticements to draw other powers into the war; and what opinion must the noble lord entertain of those powers of the continent, who, while their crowns, their dominions, their honour, their independence, every thing dear and sacred to such personages, were threatened with utter ruin, could still remain unalarmed and inert, and be prompted into action only by the influence of British subsidies? Such a supposition was too absurd to be seriously attended to; and as to the system of the late administration, to which the noble lord so fondly referred, and seemed so anxious to bring under discussion, he could fairly say, that the inertness and folly of that administration, had formed the heaviest obstacle with which the present government had to struggle. They had never prepared any one practical means by which our allies could be assisted, or that could inspire them with the hopes of contending successfully with the common enemy. Their measures were adopted without foresight, and conducted without energy, and consequently produced no effect.

After a few words in explanation from Lords Holland and Lauderdale, the question was put on the address, and agreed to nem. dis.

Lord

Lord Hawkesbury next moved an address of thanks to his majesty, for his gracious communication respecting the vote of credit, which was likewise agreed to nem. dis.

A message was afterwards delivered from his majesty, respecting the purchase and settlement of Frogmore house on her majesty, which was ordered to be taken into consi deration the next day.

IRISH INSURRECTION BILL.

Lord Hawkesbury now moved the order of the day for the second reading of the bill to prevent disturbances, &c. in Ireland. He felt it to be a measure of great importance, and it was natural to expect he should adduce some reasons for its adoption. Measures of a similar nature had often been resorted to by the Parliament of Ireland, the necessity of which had grown out of the French revolu tion, and the principles which the authors of it had attempted to disseminate throughout every country. Associations had at different times been entered into in that part of the empire, in which oaths were administered, and engagements entered into, for the worst of purposes. To counteract these practices, a bill of the nature of the present was first introduced. If such practices were dangerous then, how much more so must they be in the present state of Europe and of the empire, and when the fate of Ireland was more closely linked than ever with the fate of this country, and of the continent. He could not, under such circumstances, foresee that any material objection would be made to the bill, not only because it was brought forward in a milder shape than that in which the Parliament of Ireland had passed it, but because it was known to have been in the contemplation of the late administration, to bring forward a similar measure, little different from that which was how proposed, and with which, of course, the noble lords on the other side would not be much disposed to quarrel. In that hope, he should move that the bill be now read a second time.

Lord Holland rose not to oppose the principle of the bill, or perhaps even its provisions, though there were some of them which he wished to see amended, but to give it an assent, which, however, was wrung from him with sorrow, and only by the gripe of an extreme and lamentable

necessity.

necessity. He felt it to be a necessity, not only painful to his feelings, but degrading to his character as a member of that House. How long was the Imperial Parliament to continue to legislate for Ireland in the spirit of this measure, that is, in defiance of the best principles of the constitution, in the blessings of which we canno allow that unfortunate country to participate? Were these the promises, are these the fruits of the union? But if he was compelled to submit to the humiliation and the hardship of assenting to such a measure, the causes at least should be inquired into which produced the dire necessity upon which alone it was attempted to be justified. These causes chiefly appeared to be the disabilities that hung upon the catholics in that distracted country, the pressure of the tithes, and the efforts that were systematically made to keep alive religious animosities between the catholics. and the protestants in Ireland; on each of these causes the noble lord descanted with much warmth. He was well acquainted with the character of Irishmen, and no charicter did he ever see more conspicuously marked by benevolence, generosity, and courage. What then was it that created in that country those inextinguishable discontents. which called so often for the enactment of measures like the present? It must be something of a nature the most imperious, when it urged men to forego the blessings of civilized society itself, and the advantages of a constitution such as this country boasts of and is blessed with. That was the source of the evil which we were bound to explore; and if it was duly explored, the remedy must soon be discovered. The fact is, the great majority of the people of Ireland were deprived of the full enjoyment of the constitution, and they felt themselves injured and degraded by the suspicions which gave rise to that deprivation. Englishmen loved and admired the constitution, because they enjoyed all its benefits; could it then be fairly expected that the people of Ireland should equally love and admire that constitution, from the full enjoyment of the benefits of which they were debarred? No, it was not in the nature of things; it was not in the composition of the human heart; indulge them in that fair enjoyment, and their murmurs are appeased and silenced. As to tithes, he was happy to think that ministers meditated some measures of relief, and if so, they so far should have his most cor tal

support.