478 THE PARLIAMENTARY REGISTER. his system of recruiting. But he could not rely on the [COM. efficacy of that system. It had, to be sure, completed a dispersion of the army. For, instead of 250 recruiting parties as formerly, that system had sent out no less than 1,100, and still it was not by any means proportionally productive. It had not, indeed, within the last six months. raised as many for the army as the additional force act produced, during the last six months of its existence, even with the terror of repeal hanging over that act, and even with the obstacles to its efficiency which he knew the right honourable gentleman's hostility to it to have thrown in its way. The noble lord ridiculed the prospects which the right honourable gentleman held out as to the benefit of his plan, particularly the effects to be produced by the tales of the country's liberality, to be told by these men who, under his plan, should complete their 21 years service, by which time, no doubt, Buonaparte would have grown grey, and possibly pacific. But what a resource did their flattering promises offer for present aid. In the course of his reply, the noble lord took occasion to remark upon the late ministers, with respect to the continent. They might, to be sure, console themselves with stating, that they had not expended the blood or treasure of England in continental expeditions, but he knew how the continent itself felt with regard to their behaviour. He also knew what expectations they had excited among certain continental powers. These expectations they left to their successors (who were not, he could assure the House, free agents upon the subject) but without any preparation whatever to fulfil them. So far indeed were the late ministers from making any preparations to assist our allies in the late campaign, that that active, vigilant, and vigorous government actually issued an order to the transport board, on the 24th of January last, just previous to the commencement of the campaign, to dismiss all transports not necessary to the ordinary routine of business in the transport department. The noble lord concluded with some strictures, upon what he called the martial administration of his right honourable predecessor in office (Mr. Winiham), observing upon his resolution to decline all interference while. Prussia was in the heat of the battle; upon his total forbearance when Prussia was borne down by the arms of the enemy; enemy; upon his magnanimous abstinence from all active achievement, except indeed his attack upon Boulogne, at the very moment that our ambassador was in that town. But, to be serious, he considered the martial administration of that right honourable gentleman to have formed a complete blank. Dr. Lawrence felt indignant at the manner in which the noble lord had taken occasion to allude to the conduct of the late administration. After the exhortation of his right honourable friend (Mr. Canning) to discuss this subject with temper, and to avoid all such allusions, which exhortation had been abided by on his side of the House, he thought the language of the noble lord peculiarly unwarrantable. With respect to the force detached on foreign service by the late administration, the fact was, with regard to Buenos Ayres, and Sicily in particular, they were de tached for objects which originated with the right honourable friend of the noble lord (Mr. Pitt); the former, indeed, was the result of that right honourable gentleman's private communication with a gallant officer (Sir Home Popham), for so he must call him, who had been since tried, and censured for acting upon that communication. Mr. Windham declined to enter into the charges which the noble lord had thrown out against the conduct of himself and his colleagues, because he felt the present was not a proper time. But if the noble lord really conceived that any blame attached to the late administration upon what he referred to, or upon any other ground, he challenged the noble lord to bring his charge regularly forward, and he was ready to enter into the discussion. With regard to the transports, he could speak from memory, that none were ordered to be dismissed, but those whose period of service had terminated, and those were ships which could be had again as soon as occasion required. The House divided on the amendment : A yes Majority 90 187 -97 On our readmission to the gallery, the House was in conversation as to the day on which the bill should be committed. Lord Henry Petty and Mr. Whitbread wished that time should be allowed to consider the details of the bill. Lord Castlereagh and the Chancellor of the Exchequer Exchequer thought that sufficient time had been already: allowed since the bill was brought forward. The result of the conversation was, that the committal of the militia transfer bill was fixed for the next day, and that of the militia ballot bill for the day following. Mr. Brand opposed the second reading of the Irish insurrection bill, most particularly on the ground, that he could not think it advisable to confide to the hands of any man, however respectable, the power of overturning the decision of a jury. Mr. Whitbread proposed to restore the words inflicting a penalty on magistrates who shall omit to give a return of those who act under them in cases where any subject may think himself injured, either in personal property or family. This was not admissible, consistent with the forms of the House, unless an engrossed clause were ready for that purpose. Mr. W. Smith proposed that, in consequence of the lateness of the hour (nearly half-past four o'clock), the further proceeding on the second reading should be postponed till the next day. Upon this a division took place, and the motion was lost by a considerable majority. By this time the clause was engrossed; upon the question, that it stand part of the bill, there was another diviions: it was negatived by a great majority. Sir John Newport moved the alteration of the duration of the bill from two years to one. Upon this another division took place : For the motion Against it - 112 28 -84 Upon the question that this bill do pass, a further debate took place. Mr. Ward declared that he voted for the bill on the authority of Mr. Grattan only. Lord Milton seeing that ministers refused discussion on every clause, and, without assigning any kind of reason, trusted to their majority only, opposed the passing of the bill. Mr. Sheridan could not agree to the bill in any shape; but most particularly because the amendments, which would make it in some degree palatable, were rejected. If, said he, the the time of reading the bill a third time, had afforded me the best possible opportunity of delivering my sentiments on it at such length as I chose, I should not have profited by the advantage. I certainly did wish, and mean, to have selected the fittest occasion for giving fully my reasons for the abhorrence I feel for its principle, and the con tempt I entertain for its provisions; but circumstances have since embarrassed my judgment, and I will state them shortly and sincerely. When I find the principle of the bill admitted on the plea of necessity by all those to whose judgment and information I am bound to pay the utmost deference, when I find I cannot oppose their aquiescence without arraying my knowledge of the fact of the real situation and temper of Ireland against their superior means of information, I feel the presumption and hazard of taking upon myself the responsibility of an earnest endeavour to persuade the House to reject a measure which I am almost single in regarding as the worst, the foulest, and the foolishest measure, that ever solicited the sanction of Parliament; but still more am I influenced by observing in my attendance on the committee, where I avow to have' shunned taking any part, washing my hands, and absolving my conscience from meddling with, or tampering in any attempt to mend that which is so hateful in principle, that it is perhaps best that it should carry with it all its unequal proportion of deformity. I say, I cannot but have been induced to forego my first determination, by observing, that so many efforts at modification, moved by most respectable characters, and supported by the most unanswerable arguments, have been rejected and reprobated by insulting majorities. Mr. Grattan declared, that he was informed that meetings of a treasonable nature were held in Ireland. He did not mean to accuse his countrymen of treason or disaffection; but he was certain, that there was a French party in Ireland; it was against them, and not against Irishmen, that the operation of the bill was directed; and sooner than run a risk of losing the constitution altogether, he would take upon himself his full share, in common with his majesty's ministers, of the responsibility which would attach to the measure. Mr. Croker and Mr. Beresford said each a few words in support of the bill; the House divided, and the number were, VOL. I.-1807. 3 Q For Mr. Hobhouse and several other members of the House of Commons brought up the Fort St. George bill, the Irish insurrection bill, the Irish annuities bill, the Irish fisheries bill, and several private bills, which were read a first time. The four militia bills, the Irish spirits bill, the compassionate list bill, the naval stores importation bill, and Several other bills were read a third time and passed. The exchequer bills bill, and the annual indemnity bill were read a third time and commited for the next day. The Irish exports and imports bill passed through a committee and was reported. Lord Hawkesbury presented a message from his majesty, stating that his majesty had entered into subsidiary engagements with the king of Sweden, which, as soon as the ratifications were exchanged should be laid before the House, and also that his majesty's minister with the king of Prussia had, upon the urgency of affairs, advanced to that monarch 100,000. and further, that arms and stores had been furnished to the king of Prussia to an amount not exceeding 200,000., which sums his majesty trusted the House of Lords would concur in making good. The message having been read by the Lord Chancellor and at the table, Lord Hawkesbury moved that it be taken into consideration the next day. A short conversation took place, in which Lord Holland and the Earl of Lauderdale called upon the noble Secretary of State to say, whether it was intended to move an address, pledging the House with respect to the contents of his majesty's message, or merely thanking his majesty for the communication. Lord Hawkesbury answered, that it was always usual to move an address to his majesty upon such a message. With respect to the treaty with Sweden, it of course could not be discussed till it was be fore |