nomy could be observed, that any security could be enjoyed for the proper administration of the funds appropriated to various parts of the volunteers service, or that the volunteer establishment could be kept in an organized state. It was in the contemplation of his majesty's ministers to encourage volunteer corps, not to substitute permanent service for their drill days, for that in most cases would be inconvenient, and in many impracticable, but to pass those drill days in exercises from home. It would then be seen which of those who entered into volunteer corps, did it for the sake of exemption, or for other motives. If Parliament should think fit to adopt any subsequent measure on this subject, his majesty's ministers would not shrink from it. Let them however be deliberate in their undertaking, recollecting the old saying, "the more haste the worse speed." The noble lord here entered into a brief recapitulation of his arguments. He had been called upon to propose to Parliament in a time of exigency, a measure adequate to meet that exigency, and which therefore, whatever its nature might be, was open to strong and plausible objections since it must be one of great burden, and imposing great sacrifices on a country which had already borne grent burdens and made great sacrifices, not with patience only, but with pleasure. But he was convinced that the country would feel now as it had always felt, that those who proposed these burdens were its best friends, because they were proposed for the security and welfare of the country. On subjects of this nature, considerable difficulty existed in giving a preference to one among various - measures, all standing on the ground of solid argument and ingenious reasoning; but he could assure the House, that .the proposition which he had the honour to submit to them was the result of the most anxious consideration from the earliest period after the acceptance of office by his majesty's ministers. They had made the best proposition they could, bad disturbed, as little as possible, the existing establisherent, and had not allowed themselves to enter the field of military discovery. Unquestionably the militia service would, for a time, be disturbed, but it would soon recover itself, and he was sure that when the officers of the militia considered that the men taken out of the militia for the advantage of the country, were only those men who must soon have been discharged by law, and that in lieu of them they would receive fresh and abundant materials for

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$89 rendering the militia efficient both in peace and war, they would give their cordial support to the measure. It was a consolation to reflect, that the history of this country did not afford an instance in which, when the public mind was called upon to encounter difficulties, it was not the peculiar characteristic of Britain to rise superior to every obstacle, and never to be so strong or so distinguished, as after the pressure of distress. That individual, who unfortunately for the world had acquired such an ascendency on the Continent, was little aware, that by that very ascendency, he was creating in this country a power to which the world might ultimately look for deliverance; and that out of the necessity which his inordinate ambition produced, the military character of Great Britain would probably be raised to a greater height, than any to which it had hitherto attained. The noble lord concluded by observing, that he should divide the measure into two bills, and that if the bill for which he was about to move, should not be ready for delivery to members on that night, of which he was somewhat apprehensive, he should not press the second reading on Friday, but propose that it be postponed to Monday. He then moved for leave to bring in a bill, for allowing a certain proportion of the militia in Great Britain, voluntarily to enter into his majesty's forces.

Sir George Warrender thought that the noble lord had not made out any case to shew, that any considerable addition was necessary to the disposable force. It ap peared to him extraordinary that with the views enter. tained by the hon. gentlemen opposite, and considering the charges made by them upon their predecessors, for not having sent expeditious to the continent, they had not made this proposition to Parliament upon their coming into office. If the measure had been brought forward lact session, and he had the honour of a seat in that House, he might have supported it; but he could not give his consent to it on the present occasion, when the country had only to look for a defensive force. As to the transfer proposed from the militia to the regiments of the line, he felt considerable difficulties upon that subject, because the measures necessary to replace the men so transferred would interfere with the regular recruiting. The militia was certainly a favourite service, because it was limited both as to time and place, and was attended with a provision for the

wives and families of the persons who engaged in it. There could be no doubt therefore that men would be more readily had for that service than for the line, a circumstance that would materially interfere with the ordinary recruit-ing. The system that had been adopted last year he contended had proved eminently successful. The right honourable gentleman who had brought forward that system, had uniformly stated that the benefits to be expected from it would be progressive, and the event justified his statement. The effect produced by it in the northern counties was very great, and by the papers upon the table, it appeared that by this system the number of men raised in the year 1807, was greater by 700, than the number raised in the corresponding period of last year under the old system. If the remaining months of the year should be equally productive, of which he had no doubt, the whole number raised under the new system, in the year 1807, would be 22,000. The noble lord had said, that it was not his intention to alter any part of that system by his measure, but whilst the ballot would be going on, it would be almost impossible to obtain a man for the regular army. He was sure the House would be disposed to make every sacrifice that the occasion might require, but the country had a right to consider, whether it could look with confi dence to the efficacy of the sacrifices it was called on to make, and to expect that its resources should be properly applied. And if they looked to the manner in which the present ministers came into office, in which this measure had been brought forward, the country would have no reason to be satisfied on these heads. He felt that the measure proposed, would not add to the military force of the country, but transfer a portion of one branch of it to another; and, therefore, should not think that he would discharge his duty, if he did not oppose it in every stage. He apologised for taking up the time of the House, but had one observation more to add to what he had already stated. The noble lord had said, that the king had at present the power, without resorting to Parliament, of calling out the supplemental militia to the number of 24,000. Of this he doubted, because there were some of the supplemental militia at present in the service; and if the power existed at all, he could not think it would extend to a greater number, than the difference between the number of those of the supplemental militia now serving, and the whole amount

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of that militia. There might be different opinions respecting the propriety of calling out the supplemental militia, but of this he was certain, that the measure of the noble lord would do away the benefit derived from the regular recruiting. The system now in force would in the present year produce 22,000 men, and would prove progressively more productive in every future year. The plan of the noble lord would impede its progress, and operate as a very unequal tax upon the public, for every gentleman must know, that not one of six of the balloted men served in person, so that in procuring a substitute the individual was subject to a most severe and unequal tax. Upon all these grounds, he should feel it to be his duty to oppose the measure, unless it should undergo such modifications in the committee as would remove his objections.

Mr. Yorke wished to take the earliest opportunity of stating his objections to the measure proposed by his noble friend, because, however disagreeable it might be to him, it was the duty of every gentleman in that House, to state candidly his impressions upon a subject of such importance. He was undoubtedly aware, that what he was going to state, would not meet with general concurrence, but he was acting under a feeling of duty, and should declare his sentiments with candour. We had now come to a crisis when the situation of affairs would not admit of blunders, when an error might be fatal, and every member was therefore bound to make a free communication of what he felt upon the subject. He approved most cordially of that part of his noble friend's proposition, which provided for the transfer of so many men from the militia as could be induced to volunteer into the line. That part of it was most efficacious, and if the proposition was to stop there, it would produce great public benefit, because the men so added to the army, would be applicable to the protection of Ireland, where the militia could not be expected as a body to serve. The men also, who volunteer into the regular army, would very soon be fit for service in the regiments to which they might be transferred. As he understood his noble friend, his plan was to raise 38,000 men by ballot for the militia, in order to replace those who should volunteer into the line, and to provide a certain number of supernumeraries, in order to supply the vacan cies as they should occur by casualties, and the expiration of the men's service, so that it should not be necessary to

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resort again to the ballot for some time. To this part of his noble friend's plan he objected, because it did not appear to him to be efficacious. As to the application of the ballot ne had objections to that too, but not on the ground stated by the honourable member who had just sat down. It was his conviction that the ballot was necessary, and when that particular mode of raising a supply for the army had been the subject of much obloquy in that House, he had defended and supported it. He had on that occasion stated, what he was now ready to repeat, that no force adequate to the protection and defence of this empire could be obtained without some species of compulsion. No great army could be raised and kept up without having recourse to a compulsory levy. And it surprised him to hear gentlemen who applied their minds to such subjects, and supported the reputation of statesmen,- assert, that, when an army of three or four hundred thousand men was to be raised, such a force could be supplied by voluntary service. He agreed with his noble friend, that this was not the time for discussing the merits of the mea sure, and he equally approved of his intention not to disturb the system of the right honourable gentleman opposite (Mr. Windham) this session. It had always been his wish to allow any measures that might be adopted by Par liament a fair trial, and it was on that principle he acted, when he had proposed to give the late defence act an opportunity of fair trial. With respect to the plan of the right honourable gentleman opposite, however, he was bound to state that it did not appear to him efficacious, and might be dangerous. That plan, he admitted, might be adequate to keep up the numbers of the army, if once the army was raised to the establishment voted by Parlia ment, and he had said the same of the measure of the right honourable gentleman now no more. But though he admitted this, the measure would not answer his purpose. The system, he allowed, bad produced something more than the ordinary recruiting, and the parish bill. But the noble lord bad stated, that the deficiency of the army, from the establishment voted by Parliament, amounted to between twenty-five thousand and thirty thousand; the casualties amounted to thirteen thousand; so that the number to be raised within twelve months, in order to answer the purpose he had in view, would be $5,000. He had also another objection to the present system, arising ont of the

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