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take place between this and the next session of Parliament. He agreed with the honourable baronet (sir J. Newport) that we ought not to confound education with proselytism, but he was confident that, notwithstanding we might render lads expert, or ingenious, or cunning, without religion, we should make them more loyal subjects by impressing them with religious sentiment.

Sir John Newport was of the same opinion; he only meant to state his objection to the forcing of any particu lar tenets upon youth, contrary to what was, from habit, their own inclination, or perhaps the honourable prejudice of their parents.

Mr. Whitbread was decidedly favourable to a liberal interpretation of the word toleration; he had provided a clause in the bill, stating that the children should go to church every Sunday, provided they were not taken to some other place of worship by their parents, or some other proper person.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer stated his opinion, that it was from learned expounders of the gospel, and not from reading, that youth were to be instructed in religion; be therefore thought it necessary that religious instruction should form a part of their education.

Mr. Whitbread observed, that such doctrine as that might have been held good before the Reformation. Since then, it was most justly considered, that our first duty, was to enlighten the young mind, by the common course of education, and then to put the Bible into their hands, which was of itself sufficient to inform them as to the most material par's of the christian doctrine. In other points each class might be instructed by clergymen of their own persuasion, or that of their parents.

Mr. W. Smith observed, that some stress had been laid an the petitions which had been presented against this measure. Those who were long enough in Parliament might recollect, that at the time of the first proposal of the abolition of the slave trade, petitions were also poured in against it; but they were of such a nature, that no dispassionate man, who had heard the debates on that subject, would sign his name to a petition of that sort at the present day.

Lord Milton said a few words in support of the bill.
Mr. S. Bourne expressed a wish, that as the bill itself

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bad already been for some time before the public, his amendment might be allowed a similar indulgence. The House then divided on Mr. Sturges Bourne amendment :

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Majority in favour of the amendment, 23

On the readmission of stangers into the gallery,

Mr. Poole Carew was speaking against the clause by which one shilling in the pound of the annual rent was allowed to be levied for the purposes of the act. He objected also to the preamble, and asked where was the man who would venture to say that reading and writing were conducive to virtue and morality?

Mr. Whitbread said, if there should be no other man found hardy enough to assert that the knowledge of reading and writing must be conducive to virtue and mora lity, he must be that man. He maintained that every thing which could be calculated to strengthen and improve the mind, must be calculated to improve those qualities. The ridicule, therefore, which was thus sought to be thrown on the preamble of the bill, must fall back on him with whom it originated.

After a few words from Mr. C. Dundas, from Mr. S. Bourne in explanation, and Mr. Davies Giddy, the 'different clauses in the bill were gone through, the bill was reported, ordered to be printed as amended, and to be taken into further consideration on Monday next.

The Irish sugar bill, Irish spirit regulation bill, and naval stores bill, were read a second time, and ordered to be committed the next day

The report of the Irish customs bill, Irish infirmaries bill, compassionate list bill, Frogmore lands bill, and Sierra Leone bill, were brought up and severally agreed to, and the bills ordered to be read a third time the next day,

Mr. Hobhouse also brought up the report of the committed on expiring laws, when bills were ordered to be brought in for continuing the acts concerning the British and Irish fisheries, agreeably to the order of the said committee.

Mr. Hobhouse brought in a bill for raising the amount of exchequer bills for the service of the year; also the annual indemnity bill, both of which were read a first timé, and ordered to be read a second time the next day.

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The English and Irish militia pay bills, the militia subalterns' bill, and militia adjutants' bill, were severally com mitted, and the reports ordered to be received the next day.

The other orders of the House were then disposed of on Adjourned.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

WEDNESDAY, JULY 22.

A number of private bills were brought up from the Commons by Sir Edward Knatchbull, Mr. Grahamn, and others.

The lottery bill, the Irish distilleries bill, the Irish salt duty bill, and the Irish Chancellor of the Exchequer's bill, were committed, and the other bills before the House were forwarded in their respective stages, after which the House adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

WEDNESDAY, JULY 22.

On the motion of Mr. Cheese:nent, an account was or dered to be laid before the House of the gross receipts at the post office, from the 5th of April, 1803, to the 5th of April, 1807.

His majesty's property bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Friday..

Mr. Sumner presented a petition from John Alcock, esq. praying for an enlargement of the term for entering into recognizances on the petition complaining of an undue return for the borough of Lancaster, on the ground of the indisposition of one of the sureties. He then moved, that the time for entering into recognizances be enlarged to Monday next.

Sir J. Newport and Mr. P. Moore opposed the motion, on the ground that the time had passed for presenting such petitions.

Mr. Dent pledged himself in a few days to bring before the House a scene of iniquity, on this subject, of a very extraordinary nature.

After a few observations from the Speaker, the motion was negatived without a division.

Mr. Dent gave notice, that he would the next day move for leave to bring in a bill to prevent the feelings of the House from being thus played with.

Mr. Rose brought in a bill to make the harbour of Amsterdam, in the island of Curaçaa, a free port. Read a first, and ordered to be read a second time the next day.

In a committee on the linen act, a resolution was agreed to, to allow a drawback on linens exported to the West Indies. The report was ordered to be received the next day.

The naval stores bill went through a committee, the report of which was ordered to be received the next day.

On the motion of Mr. Biddulph, an account was ordered to be laid before the House, of all duties on coal and lime carried coastwise, in the principality of Wales, for the last three years.

Mr. Hobhouse brought in a bill for the continuance of several acts relating to the British fisheries and the woollen manufactures. Read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time the next day.

'NEW MILITARY PLAN.

Lord Castlereagh, in pursuance of the notice which he had had the honour to give, rose to call the attention of the House to the military measures which his majesty's ministers thought it their duty to propose; a subject at all times important, but perhaps never so important as at the present momentous crisis. It had been to him a subject of considerable uneasiness, that the production of these measures had been somewhat delayed by his own personal indisposition; but there were other and more serious causes which had induced government not to be hasty in bringing them forward. His majesty's ministers could not but feel, on coming into office, that the event of the campaign on the continent which was then opening, whether favourable or disastrous, was likely to present to the observation of Parliament, the truest motives for exciting them to exertion; moti es much more powerful than any which the statements of government could otherwise produce. He could also assure the right honourable gentleman opposite, that his majesty's ministers were anxions

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that their return to office should not be marked with any undue impatience to subvert the plans of their predecessors. Among the eminent qualities of the right hon. gettleman, the solicitude to destroy established systems was oue which he owned he was least desirous to emulate. Impressed with these, feelings, his majesty's ministers examined deliberately the military system already in existence. He was prepared to admit, that whatever objections he felt to that system, he also felt considerable difficulty in making a fundamental alteration in it. A comparatively interior system laid claim to protection from the circumstances of its being in existence; and therefore, in what he should offer to the House, the right honourable gentleman would not find such a deliberate purpose of alteration as perhaps he expected, or as characterized his own arrival in that department, which he (Lord Castlereagh) had now the honour to fill. Having thus statedthe reasons why this subject had not been submitted at an carlier period to the consideration of Parliament, he should now feel it his duty to propose to them a measure of great energy, which would put the country to much inconve nience, which would subject it to severe sacrifices, but which was rendered indispensable by the circumstances of the times, and by the measures of the late administration. On this point he felt relieved from the necessity of entering into a particular and detailed description of this necessity. The present situation of Europe was enough of itself to rouse the public attention. If the late administration allowed, when they were in office, that the military strength of the country was inadequate to its objects, how. much more so must it now be, when it was hardly possible to turn our eyes to any quarter in which the interests of Great Britain were not at stake! If the sphere of action were great, when the right hon urable gentleman was in power, how much was it extended at the present moment!] We had now to support new principles of policy, and to feed so much larger an army employed on foreign service. In the army at home also, we were called upon either to make a great effort to render the second battalions of our regiments efficient, or with a due regard to economy, to abandon them altogether. He was apprehensive, however, that should they be abandoned, the weakness which marked them, would characterise the first battalions, and that the first battalions would soon become as inefficient as it VOL, L-1807.

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