ticularly unwise. It seemed the honourable gentleman opposi e (Mr. D. Browne), thought something be had said would have an injurious effect on the public mind, if suffered to go abroad. But the expression, whatever it was that struck the honourable gentleman as improper, did go abroad. If what he had said was capable of retutation, it ought to go abroad, accompanied by the refutation. If it could not be refuted, it ought to go abroad with the authority of incontrovertible truth. The member who enforced the right of exclusion, ought to be sure that he exercised it with a sound discretion.

The Speaker felt it his duty to remind the honourable gendeman and the House of the irregularity of the con versation that had been gone into.

Mr. Canning said, there would be much difficulty from converting into a right what the Speaker had very properly deraminated a sufferance. Whatever inconve niences attended the exertion of the right, it was better to leave a matter of so much delicacy as it was, than to run the hazard of introducing greater inconveniences by alter ing it.

Sir Samuel Romilly said, no man was more a friend than he was to the real and substantial privileges of the House of Commons; but he was sure the House would not consid r a mere pecuniary advantage to the detriment of justice, among those substantial privileges. The plaintiff, in a suit against a member of Parliament in Chancery, was obliged to furnish the defendant with an office copy of the bill, with the subpoena, calling upon him to ans swer, contrary to the general practice, according to which custom, the defendant paid for the office copy of the plaintiff's bill, and the plaintiff for the office copy of the defendant's answer. There were a number of cases in which the court decided that each party was to abide in its own costs, and thus the money expended for the ac commodation of members of Parliament, in the manner he had described, was frequently lost for ever. it fre quently happened too, that the delay and expence of justice occasioned many a good cause to be abandoned be fore it could come to a decision. With a view to remedy these evils, and to render justice more equal, he moved, "That leave be given to bring in a bill to alter the prac tice of the Court of Chancery, relative to the delivery of

bills

bills to members of Parliament, being in the situation of defendauts."

The Secretary at War gave notice, that on Thursday next he should move for leave to enact some new regulations with respect to the half-pay of officers.

Mr. Dent gave notice, that the next day he should submit a motion relative to the West India trade.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer gave notice, that on Monday next he would move the army extraordinaries in the committee of supply. He also gave notice, that as Friday next would be the last day for receiving election petitions, he would, on Saturday, propose an arrangement for the trial of such petitions. He remained still of opinion, that it would be inexpedient to try any in the present session, but such as were likely to take up very little time; the cases of double return, for instance: and even of these, none that could run to any extraordinary length. He thought it would be desirable, however, that where the consent of the parties could be obtained, the Irish petitions should be sent to commissioners, as the examina tion of witnesses may be taken in the vacation, and the final decision may be thus greatly expedited.

Mr., Thornton presented a petition from the Sierra Leone company, praying aid.

Lord Temple wished to know if the bill for transferring this possession to the crown was to be carried into a law; any grant to the company would, in that case, be unne

cessary.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that a bill was now in progress. The aid to be granted was only for the maintenance of the settlement till the transfer could take place.

Mr. Dent gave notice, that he would in due season oppose what he could describe by no milder term, than that of the rankest job that had ever come before Parlia

ment.

PLACES, PENSIONS, AND SINECURES, HELD BY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. Lord Cochrane would not have come forward with the motion he was now about to offer, if there had been any other mode of bringing a sense of shame upon those who were not ashamed to live upon the country, at a time when its burthens were scarcely tolerable; at a time when,

if the new system of finance had not afforded a relaxation from any further increase of taxes, it would have been difficult, if not impossible, to discover any taxes that could be borne; a state of things approaching fast to the æra of a national bankruptcy. In this state of things, he thought it would be doing essential service to the country to expose the places, pensions, and emoluments, held by members of Parliament, and their immediate connections. He did not wish to diminish the proper patronage, nor to limit the rewards of services, or the salaries of public serva ts. His object was, that no part of the public money should be paid except for services done. It was not the burthen, but the abuse that the country complained of. The advertisements in the public prints, relating to the purchase and sale of seats in Parliament, were with the public a ground for believing that such a trafic was but the entrance into a corrupt trade; such was the language the constituents held to their candidates on the hustings, Revolutionary views may be imputed to him, as they were to others who wished for such investigations: but he was actuated by the purest motives, and he hoped for the unanimous concurrence of the House. It was pro per to shew the people, that there was nothing in the character and habits of those who composed the House, that ought to be concealed. He therefore moved, that a com mittee be appointed to inquire and report what places, salaries, or emoluments derived from the public, were held by members of Parliament, their wives or dependants, or others in trust for them, in possession or reversion, throughout the whole of his majesty's dominions.

Mr. Cochrane Johnstone seconded the motion.

Mr. Bankes thought the information desired by the noble lord desirable in many respects, but it would be neither practicable nor proper to pass the order in is present shape. There was no precedent of such an order on the journals, though the House had frequently thought it right to interpose and check the excessive or improper contribu tion of salaries, pensions, and emoluments, derived from the public. So extensive a field of inquiry could hardly be reduced to any of the known rules adopted by committees of the House. The places held by members of Parlia ment were besides known, and the pension' list was either regularly laid on the table every session, or may be on the motion of any member. The committee in which he had

the

the honour to preside (the committee of finance) had ordered the pension list to be laid before it, and would proceed to examine the circumstances connected with it in the ext session. It was invidious and improper to convey to the public an insinuation, that members of Parliament were influenced by considerations of private advantage for themselves or their dependants. He knew no ground for casting at the present time an imputation never cast at any former time. For it was most essential, that at this critical period, the character of the House of Commons should not be degraded or depreciated. It was also unfair, as well as impolitic and unpatriotic, to depreciate the resour ces of the country, as the noble lord had done, by stating that we were on the verge of bankruptcy. Though sensiz ble of the difficulties of the times, and of the relief arising from the judicious suspension of taxation, every man of judgment, who considered the situation of the country, would allow there were ample resources to meet the diffi culties that we had to encounter. He did not see how he advertisements for the purchase and sale of seats in a cer tain assembly, should be construed into an argument of the general corruption of members of Parliament. He agreed with the noble lord that the public servants, and particularly those of the higher classes, were rather under than over paid. There was only one species of pensions, which it was necessary to inquire particularly in o. With in the three last years the several public departments had gone into the practice of granting pensions within themselves, without complying with the provisions of Mr. Burke's act, that all pensions should be from the exchequer only. Some of the public departments had withdrawn themselves even from the controul of the treasury in this respect. On the whole, Lowever desirous to afford the public information, he could not consent to pass the noble lord's motion in its present shape.

Alr. Curwen had hoped the noble lord's motion wouldhave passed without a dissenting voice. He had hoped some measures would be taken to put an end to the disgraceful scenes that had formed a subject of such discredi table crimination and recrimination a few nigh's since. It was no objection that there was no precedent, the unprece dented state of the thing was a stronger ground for the investigation. When the exigency of the times was such as to require the exertion of every arm, the want of prece

dent

dent was not to be pleaded in bar to the satisfaction due to the public mind. The finance committee had an extensive range of inquiry before it, and ought not to suffer a day to clapse without re, orting something. That committee was not constituted exactly as he thought it should be, though: as the change was made, he had no objection to the gentlemen introduced. The practice of granting pensions without the control of the treasury or exchequer, was a stronger ground of inquiry. When it was recorded on the Journals that the seats in the House were bought and sold like bullocks in Smithfield market (Horne Tooke's petition), it was too much to find fault with the noble lord for adverting to newspaper advertisements. He had hoped that the obligation on the late Chancellor of Ireland to resign his pension, it he should again hold an office of equal emolu ment, would have produced a corresponding effect on the holders of pensions opposite, and that they would have resigned their pensions while they held their offices. He com lained that the power of the crown had greatly increased since it had been declared to be already excessive; and, as a friend to the democratic part of the constitution, he wished to see that excessive power reduced within proper bounds. The excess of power rendered it insecure; and when the influence of corruption and weakness was. combined with the operation of that excessive power, the danger was enhanced, and the mischief aggravel. To refuse such an inquiry as this, would be to do the House more mischief than all the abuse of all the Corresponding Societies could do. Without shewing a disposition to sa tisfy the public in a case of this kind, the right honourable geatleman opposite (Mr. Perceval) would count in vain' upon his majority. If the right honourable gentleman would act on fair principles towards the public, he would support him, however he may be dissatisfied with the manner in which he came into power. As every arm would be required for the public defence, every mind ought to be satisfied that justice was done to the public. This he said as a friend to the revolution which placed the present royal family on the throne.

Mr. Whitbread hoped, that as there was no doubt that an opinion prevailed as to the existence of much corruption in the House, the motion would be so framed, as to refute that opinion, or at least to shew in what degree and in what instance it was warranted. The object of the noble

lard