would be a different thing, if, in spite of these prejudices and passions, there had arisen a class of men who formed an exception from this rule; persons who proved bright exceptions from the general prejudices of mankind. If such had existed, then indeed it would have been right to have appointed a committee from among such shining constellations, from among such angels of purity. If he were here called on to delineate such a set of men, he unquestionably would not look to the bench opposite for men who made the best use of the short time they had been in power; who, fortunately for their country, had been but a short time in office; but who made the best use of that short space of time for their own advantage, and that of their adherents. He had heard in a former Parliament of a Roman moralist, who wished to live in a glass house(A laugh). Persons who indulged in similar wishes ought, however, also to recollect a saying in this country, "That he who lived in a glass house should not learn to throw stones." The noble lord opposite (Lord Henry Petty) ought to have kept this maxim in view, and if it was his lordship's wish to live in a house of glass, he ought to have learned not to throw stones. His right honourable friend (Mr. Perceval), in alluding to the charges made against the late ministers, must either have done so generally or specifically. If he had done so generally, the noble lord, there could be little doubt,, would have been equally offended at the want of candour which the darkness of the insinuation might have seemed to imply, as he was now pleased to be at the detail into which he had entered. It was not collectors merely which the late govern ment had appointed for Buenos Ayres, there were comp trollers, searchers, waiters, &c. These, however, the noble lord said, were only appointed prospectively, and that they were peculiarly distinguishable from other offices granted in reversion, that no immediate burthen was thereby to be thrown on the public. Now, without vindicating in the smallest degree the practice of granting offices in reversion, this, of laying immediate burdens on the public, was exactly the fault which he (Mr. Canning) could never discover applied to this species of grant. Probably, indeed, the gentlemen who granted these offices, were in no expectation, at that time, that Buenos Ayres would ever again be in the possession of his majesty, of course, that no less would fall on any person, except on the deluded col

lectors,

lectors, comptrollers, &c. It was to be recollected, however, that such grants were not calculated to produce bur thens alone, but also to produce influence, and this latter effect they must immediately have had. They were very providently anxious that this country should not be disap pointed of the revenues of Buenos Ayres when it should be actually our property, and therefore they appointed the proper revenue officers before the country fell into our hands. In this way, what end could there have been to the conquests, and also to the patronage of the late ministers? It was not what was actually conquered, but what they intended to conquer, for which they had to appoint officers. Had they been allowed time, the conquests of Buonaparte would have been nothing to theirs. We

should have seen revenue officers appointed to the most remote and widely divided settlements. We should have seen collectors, comptrollers, searchers and waiters appointed at the Bosphorus. We should have seen collect órs, comptrollers, searchers, waiters, &c. appointed at Rosetta, and in every other quarter of the habitable globe. He could not help recollecting, that a wonderful change seemed to have taken place in the sentiments of the late government, as to Buenos Ayres. At first, it was not worth mentioning; those who captured it were not entitled to any thanks. But all at once their ideas were completely changed. They did not regard Buenos Ayres for itself. They did not consider the advantage it was likely to pro duce to our trade and commerce. No; but they recollected that here was a place for a collector, comptroller, &c. and that too after it had ceased to be in our possession. He was sorry that he must return home from this subject, to the appointment of the three hundred surveyors. It, too, he was told, was prospective; it too was contingent. He again asked, was the influence contingent or prospective? It was strange that it should, for the first time, be found out, that three hundred additional surveyors would be wanted, and that intimation of that circumstance should be made just upon the commencement of a general election. No doubt this too was a fortunate conLingency; a thing which had not been settled till that very moment. None of these offices, however, he was in-. formed, had been disposed of. He (Mr. Canning) believ-. ed the other noble lord near him could tell him that there were some of them settled. From this he had now to turn

to

to the institution of the office of writer of the Edinburgh Gazette. This office, it was to be observed, was not granted during pleasure; was not limited, even to the endurance of the life of the person on whom it was conferred, but was a sinecure office, now for the first time created, and granted to Dr. Stuart, his heirs and assigns, for the period of twenty-one years. The noble lord and he (Mr. Canning) had often agreed in lamenting how parsimonious were the rewards in this country which were conferred on literary merit. But, surely, his lordship did not mean, that such a man should be rewarded as they would a corrupt voter for a borough, by a sinecure place, into which he should meanly creep, if possible, without any notice being called to it. The noble lord had alluded to the share he and some of his friends had had in the AntiJacobin. He (Mr. Cauning) felt no shame of the principles of the Anti-Jacobin, however he might have cause to be ashamed at his own individual share in the work. The noble lord had said, that the place of gazette-writer was not a new place, but had formerly belonged to three newspaper printers in Edinburgh. There was then no salary to the office, so there was no pretence for saying it was not a new place. The late government had also made a professor of medical jurisprudence. He coulú alone account for such a nomination by supposing that, after some long debate, in the swell of insolence, and to show how far they could go, they had said, "we will shew them what we can do; we will create a professor of medical jurisprudence!" The noble lord had said, however, that newspapers were the only species of literature which found favour with the preent ministers. He, for one, could say, that he felt no predilection of the kind. But would the noble lord venture to say, that there was no newspaper which received marks of favour during the late administration? That there was not a newspaper in London which boasted of the purity and uprightness of its principles; which professed to breathe the genuine sentiments of the constitution; which, in all probability, was at this moment manifesting its impartiality, by endeavouring to shew with how much fairness it could state what was passing in this House; and the proprietor of which had been appointed to one of the public boards? The right honourable gentleman concluded by declaring, that he should not have objected to the name of the hon. gentleman apposite (Mr, W. Ward) standing on the com VOL. 11807. C

mitter,

mittee, but had he seen the name of a person who had signed a warrant for a pension of 400l. per annum to one of the civil judges of Scotland, standing on that list, he should have objected to it.

Mr. Curwen hoped the example set by the Chancellor of the Exchequer and Secretary of State, that night, would be a pledge against his having recourse to any of the mea sures he had this night exerted himself to expose. In that view of the case, he congratulated the House and the country on the discussion. He had disapproved of the con duct of Mr. Pitt, for the facility with which he was accustomed to grant pensions to those even who had done nothing to deserve them. He had heard it even insinuated, but was now convinced it must be untrue, that the right honourable gentleman himself (Mr. Canning), or some one of his family, had a pension.

Mr. Canning explained, that a pension had been offered to him by Mr. Pitt and Lord Grenville, on his (Mr. Canning's retiring from the office of under-secretary of state, but that at his request one half of it had been granted to a near and dear friend, whose sole dependence was on him.

• Dr. I awrence opposed the omitting any of the names of the committee; and was answered by the Secretary at War.

Sir Samuel Romilly shewed how suspicious it must ap pear in the eyes of the public, that when his majesty has expressly stated that the committee should be renewed, and when every thing else of comparative importance was brought back as nearly as possible to the state in which it had been left, on this committee alone should alterations be made.

Mr. Bankes observed that, as the finance committee was a committee of inquiry only, and had not the power of acting upon whatever might be the result of their investigation, he did expect that not a single member of the late committee would have been excluded on the re-appointment of it. What danger, he would ask, was there to be apprehended from the same persons that had already shewn themselves to be both able and industrious in the pursuit of these inquiries, conti. uing to inquire, and to report the evidence which they received, together with their opinion thereon, to the House, when the House would afterwards have the power of judging for itself upon the evidence,

JUNE 30.]

FINANCE COMMITTEE.

dence, and of agreeing or disagreeing with their commitfee as to their discretion might seem fit, and of acting only. according to the judgment of the House? There was one point, in fact, upon which the late committee had not entirely made up their minds; it was but justice, there fore, that an opportunity should be given them that they might be enabled to come at that final determination. The particular point to which he alluded, was that of a disco very which was made by the committee of some abuse in the office of the paymaster-general. At the time when that discovery was male, no apprehension was entertained of the sudden dissolution of Parliament which afterwards took place. Under the impression that they were likely to sit much longer, they came to a resolution not to deliver in their report, as to the facts on which their discovery rested, until they should have hit on the means that would be most likely to prevent a recurrence of similar abuses in future. Upon that point they had not come to any determination; but for his own part, he believed, that the only radical cure for such an evil was the speedy passing of accounts. But, as the committee had not come to any determination on that head, that was one reason why he wished that the same persons should be again appointed to an office which they had already most honourably filled. But, exclusive of this consideration, there was another, namely, that the zeal, ability, industry, and integrity, which he had already witnessed in the former members, had such weight upon his mind, that he in fact regretted that any one of their names should be omitted on the present occasion; but he was most peculiarly sorry, he must say, at seeing the name of an honourable friend (Mr. Sharpe) omitted, as he had been one of the most active, the most eminently useful servant to the public in the former committee a gentleman, to whose acuteness and industry, the House and the public were principally indebted for the discoveries which were made in the first report. But as a plain matter of fact, he was confident, it must be obvious to every fair, candid and impartial man, that those who had already given up a good deal of their time and bent their mind to inquiries of the nature which was spoken of, must be infinitely better qualified to enter on such inquiries in the present Parliament, than any other gentleman whatever who has not heretofore turned his attention that way.

U 2

Mr.