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The Chancellor of the Exchequer did not mean to give any opposition to the motion of the honourable gentleman, but rose merely to say, that in consenting to it, he did not give any opinion on the subject. He thought that the House would best be able to judge of the merits of the petition from the report of the committee.

After a few words from Lord H. Petty, the petition was then referred to a committee, together with the proceedings upon the former petition, to report the same, together with their observations thereon, to the House.

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The Chancellor of the Exchequer gave notice, that he should on Thursday move for leave to bring in prevent smuggling.

FINANCE COMMITTEE.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, pursuant to his notice, in consequence of the general sense of the House, and in obedience to the recommendation in the commissioners' speech, for the renewal of those inquiries which had been interrupted by the late dissolution of Parliament, rose to move for the renewal of the finance committee. In recommending the proposition he had to submit to the House, it was unnecessary for him to enlarge upon the importance of such enquiries to the public interest, because no difference of opinion existed, no objection was felt to the revival of the committee. The only question upon which any difference would arise was, as to the appointment of the committee, and the persons whom the House might think proper to select. He had reason to think, that a difference of opinion would prevail on this subject, because he had, on a former night, heard expressions from the other side of the House, that the gentlemen there would be disappointed, if all the members of the former committee, who were now members of the House, should not be appointed. He was so scusible of the inexpediency of such an appointment, that though he should propose to continue some of the members of that committee, he should leave out others, in order to make room for the introduction of members of a different description. The noble lord opposite (Lord Howick) had said, that all the members of the committee ought to be appointed, except two; his honourable friend (Mr. S. Bourne), and the honourable baronet, who had, on the preceding day, made the statement in his justification from the charge which had

been

been imputed to him. He should follow, therefore, in that instance, the advice of the noble lord, and not press the appointment of either of his honourable friends; and as the noble lord, who had originally recommended the committee, had not appointed any person in office, he should adhere to his precedent. His honourable friend (Mr. Bourne) being now in office, would not, therefore, be proposed on the committee, though acquitted by the noble lord opposite of the charge urged against him; and the honourable baronet, acting under the influence of a sense of delicacy greater than the occasion called for, had requested that he might not be proposed, as it appeared to be the opinion of some members of the House of Commons, that some further explanation was necessary. He could not help here calling to the recollection of the House the manner in which the committee had been originally appointed, so different from any committee that had ever been appointed in Parliament, and composed almost exclusively of one description of persons. There were only two persons upon it, who could be supposed, from their parliamentary conduct, friendly to the present administration; three others were not biassed towards either party, and all the rest were such as would be disposed to view subjects in the same light with the noble lord. A committee so appointed could not be impartial, or answer the expectations of the House or the public. As he did not. mean to enlarge the number beyond 25, the number of which the former committee had consisted, because that was the greatest number that could conveniently assemble for business, he meant to exclude some of the former mem bers, in order to introduce others, for the more impartial constitution of the committee. The five that had been removed by the event of the election, were not enough for that purpose, and the House would in its discretion decide upon that point. In the appointment of the committee also, he meant to adopt the suggestion of the noble lord, by giving the preference to the appointment of it openly to a ballot. It was his opinion, that the appointment by ballot was in general to be preferred. Nothing could be more invidious than the discussing whether any particular individual was a proper person to be appointed on the committee; and also the fitness of persons to act together upon such a committee, could be better consulted by individuals making out their lists for a ballot. He had

acceded,

acceded, however, to the suggestions of the noble lord, because he would thereby get rid of any suspicion that any thing was intended, which they were afraid to avow openly. Before he made any motion, he should read over the list of the committee he meant to propose, in order that the House might see whether he had not retained the most efficient members of the late committee. He had already stated the necessity of making some alteration in the con stitution of the committee, because there were many acts of the late administration which would be subjects of inquiry. He could state many facts which would induce the House not to trust with implicit confidence to those, who were disposed only to praise the late administration, and who, by their overbearing authority in the committee, might keep back the enquiries into their particular acts. The late ministers had expressed themselves, in the first appointment of the committee, very much averse to the grant of places in reversion; there was, however, one instance to which attention had been called, of their having, a short time before they went out of office, appointed to offices in reversion of a most extraordinary nature: he alluded to the appointment of a collector and surveyor of customs in the port of Buenos Ayres, a place not then in the possession of his majesty. These were reversionary grants to take place upon an uncertain contingency, and made by those gentlemen who appeared to be so nice on this subject. He had on a former occasion stated, without giving any opinion upon the propriety of appointing such officers, the nomination of three hundred surveyors of taxes. The nomination was founded on a representation from the commissioners of taxes, made in March, 1803, but the appointment could not take place till the business was subinitted to Parliament. When the dissolution took place in October, without any sanction of Parliament having been obtained for these appointments, the persons were de signated to the offices, in the way the noble lord had said on a former night: members of Parliament waited on the minister, they were received civilly, and the promises made. But the Parliament met in December, and sat some months; the measure for sanctioning the appointment was not brought forward; and the honourable gentlemen opposite, when they lost the power of performance, were compelled to revert to the condoling letters which he had before alluded to. This circuinstance would induce the

House

House not to place implicit or peculiar confidence in those gentlemen who viewed every thing in the same light with the late administration. Another appointment made by the late administration, was that of gazette-writer, created by patent for Scotland, with a salary of 3007. per annum. This office had been before divided between the editors of three newspapers. He wished the honourable gentleman to hear his statement, and to bear in mind that the business of the office was performed by these three persons, without any expence to the public, though they made a profit of 2001. a year by the publications in their newspapers. These persons had been turned out of their employment, and an appointment by patent given to the present pos sessor; and he should ask whether any gentleman believed that this had been done with any other view than to give the place to that person? He should not dwell in detail upon all the acts of the late administration, but lie confessed himself at a loss to understand what they could mean by the appointment of a professor of medical jurisprudence (a laugh, and Hear, hear!). He acknowledged that he was ignorant of the duty of that professor, and could not comprehend what was meant by the science he professed. There had also been three new sheriffs appointed in Scotland, with salaries of between 2501. and 3001. a year, on a division of counties, where the duties were before executed as in one shrievalty. These were some of the many acts of the late administration, which would be likely to come under the consideration of the committee. Another appointment, which was equally censurable, was the grant of a pension, during pleasure, of 4001. a year, to a civil and criminal judge in Scotland. This grant had, no doubt, not been carried into effect, but it was owing to the doubts entertained by the person who was to carry it into effect in Scotland, as to its legality. He should not go through the other exceptionable appointments made by these gentlemen, as he had stated enough to shew, that those who thought exactly with them, were not to be exclusively confided in. He should next proceed to read the names of those whom he proposed to be appointed as the committee, intreating, at the same time, that the House would excuse him from being a member of it, according to the usage by which any member who proposes a committee, became himself a member of it. The following were the gentlemen he proposed :

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He concluded by moving, that a committee be appoint ed to examine the regulations made for controuling the expenditure with respect to offices, how far these had been effectual, and what was further necessary to secure the object in view.

Lord Henry Petty said, that it had been impossible for him not to admire the singular candour and moderation of the right honourable gentleman, who in moving for a committee of this nature had shewn a charitable disposition to save them some labour and trouble in the execu tion of their duty, by a gross and partial statement of mat ters that might come before them. When he said "gross and partial," he did not mean to say that the statement was intended to be so, but that it proceeded from a bias towards a particular party, of which, however, the right honourable gentleman ought to have been sufficiently aware not to have prejudged matters which might occupy the attention of the very committee for the appointment of which he was moving. The right honourable gentleman, and those with whom he acted, had the other day depre cated a decision upon a charge, for want of a single document, though a full notice had been given, and yet he was not ashamed to call for an opinion upon charges, respecting which all the documents were wanting, and of which no notice had been given; and that too in cases which must depend upon special circumstances, and where even the dates must be of importance! Under all these disadvantages, however, and without any notice till now, that VOL, Í.-1807. T

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