CHAP. XIII. UNITED STATES.-Discussions in Congress on the Colonial Trade.SOUTH AMERICA-Progress of the War between BRAZIL and BUENOS AYRES Battle of Ituzaingo-Advance of the Republican Army towards Rio Grande-Naval Operations-Preliminaries of Peace signed at Rio Janeiro-The Treaty is rejected by the Government of Buenos Ayres, and the President Rivadavia resigns-Pretensions of the Provincial Governments-Finances.-COLOMBIA-Arrival of Bolivar at Bogota, and his departure for Venezuela-He re-establishes Tranquillity in that Province-He resigns the Presidentship-Congress meets-The Vice-president, Santander, likewise, proffers his Resignation-Congress refuses to accept either- A National Convention ordered to be convoked-Revolt in the Southern Provinces-Bolivar returns to Bogota-Finances-MEXICO-Revolt of the Province of Texas-Conspiracy of Arenas-Measures directed against Spanish Inhabitants-Arrests on account of a New Conspiracy-Insurrection in the Province of Durango-Finance.-PERU-Revolution in the Government, and Election of a new President-Dismissal of the Colombian Envoy-Finances-GUATEMALA-Progress of the Civil War. IN N our last volume we gave an account of the discussions, which had been carried on between the British government and that of the United States, regarding the terms on which the latter should be admitted to share in the colonial trade of the former. While the United States demanded to be received in the colonies, not merely on as favourable terms as other foreign nations, but on as favourable terms as the mother country herself, they imposed discriminating duties on British ships arriving in their harbours from British colonies; and, by another class of duties, obstructed the voyages of British vessels, which, after landing cargoes from Great Britain in the United States, were bound onwards to the colonies. Upon this display of an unfair and encroach ing spirit in the commercial policy of the United States, Great Britain withdrew from the merchantmen of that republic the privilege which, by an order in council, had been tendered to the ships of all nations-viz. that of trading to our colonies on the same terms, with regard to the shipping of those foreigners, as British ships themselves were subject to, provided that the ships of Great Britain should be equally favoured in their turn, on entering the port of the foreign state accepting the said privilege from Great Britain. The American government insisted, that the trade of foreigners with the colonies of Great Britain should be considered as an open subject, upon which any foreign government had a right to insist on negotiating with the parent state. The British minister, with a more strict adherence to the known principles of colonial and commercial policy, declared the resolution of Great Britain to reserve to herself the indisputable right of admitting foreigners to traffic with their colonies, on whatever condition she might herself think proper to ordain. His majesty, therefore, by an order in council, excluded the United States from the list of those foreign countries whose merchantmen should be admitted to the ports of British coloniesbeing the only foreigners who had abused the privilege by an unfair treatment of British ships in return. The American executive, embarrassed by the weakness of their cause, or anxious, from the importance of the case, to remove the responsibility from themselves, laid the whole papers connected withthenegotiation before Congress, for its consideration and decision. In consequence of the report of a committee to which they had been referred, a bill was introduced into Congress, the effect of which was, from and after the 30th September, 1827, to close the harbours of the United States not only against British Ships proceeding from British colonies, but against those of all other nations bound from the colonies to the republic. It was in fact a non-intercourse act, excluding all the British possessions in the western hemisphere, the settlements on the coast of Africa, the Mauritius, Ceylon, New Holland, and Van Diemen's land, from all commercial communication with the United States, unless, on or before the 30th September, the British government should admit the extravagant pretensions which America had set up to the colonial trade. It was necessary, said the committee of the senate, that the interdict should be universal in its prohibition against all persons, and in its application to all the colonies. The British order in council, indeed, excluding the United States from the colonies, had left open to them those of the British North American possessions; but that exception was intended only to serve the partial interests of Great Britain, by drawing from the United States to the harbours of Canada or Nova Scotia, the provisions required in the West Indies, and thus still supplying them to the islands in her own shipping. But if these ports were closed, as well as those of the colonies which would otherwise be supplied through them, then, as the colonies could not subsist without these articles, the American trade would be concentrated in some of the ports adjacent to the colonies, and would be carried on in American vessels; for, it was taken for granted, Britain would never attempt to intercept the trade between these intermediate ports and the colonies. By permitting the productions of the United States to reach the colonies either directly in foreign vessels, or circuitously through the British ports of North America, the United States would lose the carrying trade, and gain nothing in return; by closing their harbours against all vessels, whether British or foreign, coming from the British colonies, their productions carried in their own vessels, would find a ready market, their interdict would be felt, and the only operation of the British prohibition would be, to add to the pressure under which the colonies were already sinking. In the senate, the operation of the bill, founded on these views, was suspended till the 31st December, but the higher duties on British vessels and cargoes were continued in the mean time. The House of Representatives made some alterations in the bill, with which it was returned to the senate. The senate clung obstinately to the bill in its original form, and refused, not withstanding several conferences between the two branches of the legislature, to adopt the amend ments of the lower House. The bill therefore was lost; and, the matter in dispute remaining where Congress had found it, the executive was thrown back upon its own responsibility. Subsequently to the treaty of Ghent, the United States had claimed remuneration from Britain on account of American property said to have been illegally seized after the conclusion of the war. After a great deal of time had been spent in investigating these claims, each state having its own demand to make, the British government agreed to pay 1,200,000 dollars as the amount of the whole compensation due, leaving it to the United States to distribute it among the different claimants as they might find just. A convention to this effect was signed in London, and was ratified in the beginning of the year by the American government. The Congress re-assembled on the 4th of December. In South America, the events of the war between Brazil and Buenos Ayres were somewhat more marked in themselves, though not at all more decisive in their consequences, than they had been in the preceding year. The emperor of Brazil, dissatisfied at the tardy progress made by his troops on land, and the ab solute inefficiency of his naval operations, had proceeded in person to the seat of war in the province of Rio Grande, in the end of November, 1826. When this step was known at Buenos Ayres, it produced no small excitement. The president of the Republic addressed a proclamation to the people, calling upon them to defend a terri tory which formed the vanguard of their security and prosperity, and the loss of which would open the way to the capital itself. An extraordinary meeting of Congress was held, and a committee was appointed to consider of measures calculated to support the Executive in the defence of the country. In pursuance of a recommendation of this committee, Congress put forth an address to the inhabitants of the provinces, urging them to co-operate actively in the support of the Republic; and reinforcements were immediately sent to the army, which was put in motion on the 26th of December. General Alvear, too, the Republican general, had his own proclamation. He told the army that a new moment of glory was awaiting them; that the emperor had left his throne to put himself at the head of his slaves, and that they had now a "gigantic enterprize" to undertake. The emperor, on his part, attempted nothing, and returned in a few weeks to Rio Janeiro, which it was thought impolitic in him ever to have quitted. On the 20th of February the two armies at last came to action in the neighbourhood of Gtuzaingo. The Brazilian infantry, which included a German battalion, supported by a large body of cavalry, and six pieces of artillery, directed themselves principally against the right and the centre of the repub licans. The combat was maintained with vigour and obstinacy on both sides, a heavy cannonade extending along the whole line, and each commander endeavouring to break through his opponent's masses by rapidly repeated charges of cavalry. The advantage seemed to be on the side of the Brazilians, when the Republicans brought up their reserve, which restored the fortune of the day, but its commander, Brandzen, was killed in At leading it to the attack. length, the Republican cavalry, having been successful on the two wings, made a general charge upon the Brazilian cavalry, broke it, and chased it from the field. The infantry, left uncovered by the cavalry, next gave way, but not in much confusion; for they attempted successively to take up three different positions. They were driven from them all, and obliged to abandon the field, leaving upon it, according to their own account, two hundred men-according to the Republican account, twelve hundred. Among the killed was a general-marshall Abnea. The Republicans got possession of ten pieces of artillery, and great part of the enemy's bagThey admitted their loss gage. to amount to eight hundred killed The discomfited and wounded. Brazilians were not pursued far from the field, owing to the exhausted state of the horses of the Republican cavalry, which, for several days, had been making extensive forced marches sands, where scarcely any pasture was to be found. Next day the Buenos Ayreans marched upon Caciqui, and were joined by a considerable number of deserters from the enemy's ranks. On the 26th they entered San Gabriel. They over found there, what they most needed, The Imperial army retreated to the country of its inhabitants, that, by putting a stop to cultivation, he might increase the difficulties of his enemy in procuring supplies. The inhabitants were compelled to emigrate, under the penalty of imprisonment and confiscation; while the Republican general, by a retaliatory decree, denounced the same punishment against all who did emigrate. The Brazilians were equally unsuccessful in an attempt which they made upon the Republican establishment at Patagonia. An expedition, consisting of four armed ships and carrying about seven hundred men, appeared off that place on the 7th of March with the intention of effecting a landing. They were not only repulsed, but three of their vessels were taken, and the fourth, in endeavouring to make her escape, was wrecked. To counter-balance in some measure these misfortunes, the Brazilians, on the 17th May, carried by surprise the strong position of Maldonado, at the mouth of the Plata, which gave them another firm hold on Monte Video, and secured to them still further the command of the river. The naval operations on the river itself were unimportant. The blockade of Buenos Ayres was still maintained by the Brazilian squadron, but very ineffectually maintained. On the 19th February, admiral Browne attacked the ships that were watching him in the Uruguay, and defeated them with the loss of several of their smaller vessels. On his passage to Buenos Ayres with his prizes, he drove off the blockading squadron, after doing it considerable damage with his fire, though he got none of their ships. On the 7th of March, he allowed himself, with only four ships, to be involved in an engagement with a much superior force of the enemy. Two of his ships ran aground, and were entirely destroyed by the heavy fire of the Brazilians. He himself was wounded, and two of his officers were killed. This was not a course of the war that could justify either party in entertaining confidence as to its issue, and both parties were unprepared to continue it with vigour. At Rio Janeiro, as well as at Buenos Ayres, the treasury was empty; but the Republic had to labour under the additional disadvantage of a divided country, divided almost to the point of civil war, which, refusing to acknowledge even the legality of the government, deprived that government of all force, and of all resources. The provinces had hailed the commencement of the war with acclamations; they would have redoubled these acclamations, if it had been concluded in triumph; but they would not contribute any thing to carry it on, nor recognize the power of the government by which it was maintained. The government of the confederation was merely an empty name, in which certain decrees were issued and certain acts done; the provinces of the confederation set it at defiance, and did each what seemed good in its own eyes. The oftener the general government was compelled to ask, the more it was made to feel and to manifest its utter weakness as an instrument of administration. It was itself convinced that, if the war continued, the Republic would fall to pieces; the recent events of the war, though not possessing any decisive character, enabled it to propose peace without dishonour; and it |