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bellion, and 30,000 armed Peons over-ran the country. It had become the scene of every species of disorder, and the spoil of disunited hordes of lawless plunderers.' By his letters, war, it appears, had so stripped the fertile plains of trees, that he never saw any part of Scotland so destitute of them,-scarcely one for twenty miles. Famine in another place had laid most of the villages in ruins. Scarce one-fourth of the houses were inhabited. The revenue officers were hardened in peculation by the looseness of the late government. There was a swarm of Poligars almost equally troublesome, whether they remained in the country or deserted it. This was its condition when Munro undertook its charge. When he resigned, confusion had given place to order,—a body of inhabitants so little accustomed to regular authority, were reported to be as far advanced in civilization, submission to the laws, and obedience to the magistrates, as any of the subjects under the government. A third more land was brought under cultivation. The revenues were collected not only with facility, but with unparalleled completeness and punctuality. By reducing them twenty per cent at first, he was enabled gradually to augment them from eleven lacs of pagodas to eighteen; and this, notwithstanding three unfavourable seasons. What must double the value of these pagodas is the further fact, that they came into the treasury without the necessity of calling out a single sepoy. The country was not merely quiet,-every one appeared satisfied with his situation. In 1807 the people were as much affected at his quitting them, as when twenty years afterwards they mourned over the grave of one whom they had learned not only to love as their father, but actually to talk of among themselves by that endearing name. A single example of this kind ought to shame to silence our incompetent and selfish countrymen, who, returning home with the consciousness of leaving no sympathy behind them, may be thus always understood as often as they are found maligning the character of a population whose affection they have never won, to be only bearing an irresistible testimony against themselves. A letter in 1801 from Cuddapah, depicts the state in which ten years of Mogul government had left it. A letter to Lady Munro in 1823, from the same place, makes no doubt of the enduring fidelity of their attachments. I was often at this place twenty years ago, but the heat made me always glad to get away. I still like this country notwithstanding. It is full of industrious cultivators; and I like to recognise among them a great number of my old acquaintances, who, I hope, are as glad to see me as I to see them.' Whilst we are looking at this most affecting relationship between the governor and the governed, and praying that its moral may sink deep into the hearts of our Indian rulers of whatever order, let the reader just remember what was the office in which Munro had earned all this reverence and love. In the mode of individual settlement adopted by him, he was brought into personal contact, and upon so odious a subject, often necessarily into personal collision, with every single cultivator. This is true almost to the letter. We doubt whether any tax-gatherer before was ever greeted with tears of this description. The testimony of affection presented to him at this period by his assistant officers, (a cup, with the bas-reliefs from Ellora,) is equally honourable to all parties. 'We know that the Ceded Districts hold your name in veneration, and feel the keenest regret at your departure. As for ourselves, we attribute

our success in life in a great measure to you; and think, if we are good public servants, we have chiefly learned to be so from your instruction and example."

In 1807 Colonel Munro returned to Britain, after an absence of twenty-seven years. He remained chiefly in London for a period of seven years, during which he had an opportunity of greatly illuminating the public mind on Indian affairs, in his evidence as a parliamentary witness on the renewal of the charter of the East Indian company. On the appointment of a commission for the revision of the system of judicial administration in India, Colonel Munro was placed at its head, and, in consequence, sailed for Madras in 1814. He found no little difficulty in introducing the changes which were recommended by the commission, and ultimately adopted; but by a union of firmness and moderation he eventually succeeded in his object. While thus engaged, the breaking out of the Mahratta war in 1817 called him into the field. At the head of no more than 500 regular troops, he completely defeated the Peishwah's plans of operation, and placed the threatened districts in a state of security, and ultimately of complete repose. At the close of the war, he gave up his command, and returned to England, with the intention of spending the remainder of his days at home. But, within a few months after landing, he was appointed by Canning governor of Madras; on which office he entered in 1820. His government gave great satisfaction to all parties, especially the natives. In the spring of 1827 he set out on a tour to some of the districts in which he had spent the first years of his residence in India. The cholera was prevalent in them at the time, and Sir Thomas had scarcely entered them before he was seized with the dire disorder, which run its course to a fatal termination in a few hours.

"The elevation and comprehension of Munro's understanding," says the Edinburgh Reviewer of his Life and Correspondence,' edited by Mr Gleig, "were of the first order. He was in possession of a more thorough knowledge of the population of India, than pretty nearly all the rest of the service put together. Under these circumstances, and in the necessity of balancing contradictory authorities, there cannot be a suggestion made by him on a single point, civil or military, which does not deserve a distinct and respectful consideration. Sufficient evidence exists of his opinions on the most debateable topics of what may be called our foreign policy in India during the last fifty years. His earliest speculations on our war politics,-his prophecy that the force of circumstances must drive us onward, though interest as well as justice alike required us, if possible, to remain at peace, his ridicule of the notion that a balance of power (the Mahratta versus Tippoo, &c.) was practicable among bodies so false and fluctuating as the native states, were all verified by the event."

Sir William Hoste.

BORN A. D. 1780.-DIED A. D. 1828.

THIS distinguished officer was the second son of the Rev. Dixon Hoste of Goodwick in Norfolk. He entered the navy under Nelson,

and was early noticed by him with approbation. On the 14th of February, 1794, Nelson thus writes to his father: "You cannot, my dear Sir, receive more pleasure in reading this letter than I have in writing it, to say that your son is every thing which his dearest friend can wish him to be; and is a strong proof that the greatest gallantry may lie under the most gentle behaviour. Two days ago, it was necessary to take a small vessel from a number of people who had got on shore to prevent us; she was carried in a high style, and your good son was by my side." To the same, May 3d." The little brushes we have lately had with the enemy only serve to convince me of the truth I have already said of him; and in his navigation you will find him equally forward. He highly deserves every thing I can do to make him happy." To Mrs Nelson." Hoste is indeed a most exceeding good boy, and will shine in our service."

After having passed through a variety of grades in the service, we find Hoste, though still a young man, the senior officer in the Adriatic, at the commencement of 1809. One of the most distinguished naval actions in the Mediterranean station, during the war, was that fought off the island of Lissa, on the 13th of March, 1811. The following is part of Captain Hoste's despatch on this occasion :

"AMPHION, off Lissa, March 14th, 1811.

"SIR, It is with much pleasure I have to acquaint you, that after an action of six hours, we have completely defeated the combined French and Italian squadrons, consisting of five frigates, one corvette, one brig, two schooners, one gun-boat, and one xebec: the force opposed to them was his majesty's ships Amphion, Active, Cerberus, and Volage. On the morning of the 13th the Active made the signal for a strange fleet to windward, and daylight discovered to us the enemy's squadron lying-to off the north point of Lissa; the wind at that time was from the N.W., blowing a fine breeze. The enemy having formed in two divisions, instantly bore down to attack us under all possible sail. The British line, led by the Amphion, was formed by signal in the closest order on starboard tack to receive them. At 9 A.M. the action commenced by our firing on the headmost ships as they came within range. The intention of the enemy appeared to be to break our line in two places; the starboard division, led by the French commodore, bearing upon the Amphion and Active, and the larboard division on the Cerberus and Volage. In this attempt he failed (though almost aboard of us), by the well-directed fire and compact order of our line. He then endeavoured to round the van-ship, to engage to leeward, and thereby place us between two fires; but was so warmly received in the attempt, and rendered so totally unmanageable, that in the act of wearing he went on shore on the rocks of Lissa, in the greatest possible confusion. The line was then wore to renew the action, the Amphion not half a cable's length from the shore; the remainder of the enemy's starboard division passing under our stern, and engaging us to leeward, whilst the larboard division tacked and remained to windward, engaging the Cerberus, Volage, and Active. In this situation the action continued with great fury, his majesty's ships frequently in positions which unavoidably exposed them to a raking fire from the enemy, who, with his superiority of numbers, had ability to take advantage of it; but no

thing, Sir, could withstand the brave squadron I had the honour to command. At 11 20' A. M. the Flore struck her colours, and at noon the Bellona followed her example. The enemy to windward now endeavoured to make off, but were followed up as close as the disabled state of his majesty's ships would admit of; and the Active and Cerberus were enabled at 3 P.M. to compel the sternmost of them to surrender, when the action ceased, leaving us in possession of the Corona of 44 guns, and the Bellona 32. The Favorite of 44 guns, on shore, shortly after blew up with a dreadful explosion, the corvette making all possible sail to the N. W., and two frigates crowding sail for the port of Lessina, the brig making off to the S. E., and the small craft flying in every direction; nor was it in my power to prevent them, having no ship in a state to follow them. I must now account for the Flore's getting away after she had struck her colours. At the time I was engaged with that ship the Bellona was raking us, and when she struck I had no boat that could possibly take possession of her. I therefore preferred closing with the Bellona and taking her, to losing time alongside the Flore, which ship I already considered belonging to us. I call on the officers of my own squadron, as well as those of the enemy, to witness my assertion. The correspondence I have had on this subject with the French captain of the Danaé (now their commodore), and which I enclose herewith, is convincing; and even their own officers, prisoners here, acknowledge the fact. Indeed I might have sunk her, and so might the Active; but as the colours were down, and all firing from her had long ceased, both Captain Gordon and myself considered her as our own; the delay of getting a boat on board the Bellona, and the anxious pursuit of Captain Gordon after the beaten enemy, enabled him to steal off, till too late for our shattered ships to come up with him, his rigging and sails apparently not much injured; but, by the laws of war, I shall ever maintain he belongs to us. The enemy's squadron was commanded by Monsieur Dubourdieu, a capitaine de vaisseau, and a member of the Legion of Honour, who is killed. In justice to a brave man, I must say he set a noble example of intrepidity to those under him. They sailed from Ancona the 11th instant with 500 troops on board, and every thing necessary for fortifying and garrisoning the island of Lissa. Thanks to Frovidence, we have this time prevented them."

In the important naval operations carried on in the Adriatic during the year 1813, Captain Hoste rendered valuable services, especially in the reduction of the fortresses of Cattaro and Ragusa.

He was raised to the dignity of a baronet on the 23d of July, 1814, and died in December, 1828.

Colonel Dixon Denham.

BORN A. D. 1786.-DIED A. D. 1828.

THIS gallant and adventurous officer was born in London, and edncated at Merchant Tailors' school. He entered the army in 1811, and served in the peninsular campaign, and afterwards in the Netherlands. In 1819 he obtained admission into the senior department of the

Royal military college at Farnham, where he prosecuted his scientific studies with great success. After the death of Ritchie, the African traveller, Captain Denham volunteered his services to carry on the researches begun by Ritchie; and his offer being accepted by government, he reached Memoon in the month of March, 1822.

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From Memoon he proceeded to Sockna, and thence to Moorzook, whence, after some delay occasioned by the bashaw's duplicity, he set out for Bornou. On the 17th of February, 1823, he arrived at Kouka. "This," says he, "was to us a momentous day, and it seemed to be equally so to our conductors. Notwithstanding all the difficulties that had presented themselves at the various stages of our journey, we were at last within a few short miles of our destination; were about to become acquainted with a people who had never seen, or scarcely heard of, an European; and to tread on ground, the knowledge and true situation of which had hitherto been wholly unknown." On his presentation to the sheikh of Bornou he soon gained his confidence, and was promised by him all the assistance in his power towards attaining a knowledge of the country and its inhabitants. After passing about two months at Kouka, he inconsiderately joined a hostile expedition sent out by the sheikh against the Felatahs. On the way he passed some days at Mandara, the sultan of which country joined the Bornouese troops, who, together with himself, after burning two small towns, were put to flight and defeated by the Felatahs, at the siege of Musfeia. The situation of Major Denham, in his retreat from the pursuers, was dreadful in the extreme; both himself and his horse were badly wounded; and, after twice falling with the latter, and fighting singly against three or four assailants, he at length lay disarmed on the ground. "At that moment," he relates, my hopes of life were too faint to deserve the name. I was almost instantly surrounded; and, incapable of making the least resistance, was as speedily stripped. My pursuers then made several thrusts at me with their spears, that badly wounded my hands in two places, and slightly my body, just under my ribs, on the right side; indeed, I saw nothing before me but the same cruel death I had seen unmercifully inflicted on the few who had fallen into the power of those who now had possession of me. My shirt was now absolutely torn off my back, and I was left perfectly naked. When my plunderers began to quarrel for the spoil, the idea of escape came like lightning across my mind; and, without a moment's hesitation, I crept under the belly of the horse nearest me, and started as fast as my legs could carry me for the thickest part of the wood: two of the Felatahs followed, and gained upon me; for the prickly underwood not only obstructed my passage, but tore my flesh miserably; and the delight with which I saw a mountain-stream gliding along at the bottom of a deep ravine cannot be imagined. My strength had almost left me, and I seized the young branches issuing from the stump of a large tree which overhung the ravine, for the purpose of letting myself down into the water; when, under my hand, as the branch yielded to the weight of my body, a large liffa, the worst kind of serpent this country produces, rose from its coil, as if in the very act of striking. I was horror-struck, and deprived, for a moment, of all recollection-the branch slipped from my hand, and I tumbled headlong into the water beneath this shock, however, revived me; and, with three strokes of my arms, I reached the

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