Sir,

FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Paris, September 28, 1787.

I received your favor by Mr. Cutting, and thank you sincerely for the copy of your book. The departure of a packet boat, which always gives me full employment for some time before, has only permitted me to look into it a little. I judge of it from the first volume, which I thought formed to do a great deal of good. The first principle of a good government is certainly a distribution of its powers into executive, judiciary, and legislative, and a subdivision of the latter into two or three branches. It is a good step gained when it is proved that the English Constitution, acknowledged to be better than all which have preceded it, is only better in proportion as it has approached nearer to this distribution of powers. From this the last step is easy, to shew, by a comparison of our Constitutions with that of England, how much more perfect they are. The Article of Confederations is certainly worthy of your pen. It would form a most interesting addition, to shew what has been the nature of the confederations which have existed hitherto, what were their excellencies, and what their defects. A comparison of ours with them would be to the advantage of ours, and would increase the veneration of our countrymen for them. It is a misfortune that they do not sufficiently know the value of their Constitutions, and how much happier they are rendered by them than any other people on earth, by the Governments under which they live.

You know all that has happened in the United Netherlands. You know, also, that our friends Van Staphorsts will be the most likely to become objects of severity, if any severities should be exercised. Is the money in their hands entirely safe? If it is not, I am sure you have already thought of it. Are we to suppose the game already up, and that the Stadtholder is to be reëstablished, perhaps erected into a Monarch, without the country lifting a finger in opposition to it? If so, it is a lesson the more for us. In fact what a crowd of lessons do the present miseries of Holland teach us? Never to have an hereditary officer of any sort; never to let a citizen ally himself with Kings; never to call in foreign nations to settle domestic differences; never to suppose that any nation will expose itself to a war for us, &c. Still I am not without hopes that

a good rod is in soak for Prussia, and that England will feel the end of it. It is known to some that Russia made propositions to the Emperor and France for acting in concert; that the Emperor consents, and has disposed four camps of one hundred thousand men from the limits of Turkey to those of Prussia. This Court hesitates, or rather its Premier hesitates, for the Queen, Montmorin, and Breteuil are for the measure. Should it take place, all may yet come to rights, except for the Turks, who must retire from Europe, and this they must do were France quixotic enough to support them. We, I hope, shall be left free to avail ourselves of the advantages of neutrality; and yet much I fear the English, or rather their stupid King, will force us out of it. For thus I reason, by forcing us into the war against them, they will be engaged in an expensive land war as well as a sea war. Common sense dictates, therefore, that they should let us remain neutral, ergo they will not let us remain neutral. I never yet found any other general rule for foretelling what they will do, but that of examining what they ought not to do.

I have the honor to be, with my best respects to Mrs. Adams, and sentiments of perfect esteem and regard to yourself, &c.,

TH: JEFFERSON.

Sir,

FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Paris, October 4, 1787.

I received your favor of the 23d of September, two days ago. That of the 28th and 29th was put in my hands this morning. I immediately waited on the Ambassadors, ordinary and extraordinary of the United Netherlands, and also on the Envoy of Prussia, and asked their good offices to have an efficacious protection extended to your person, your family, and your effects, observing that the United States knew no party; but are the friends and allies of the United Netherlands as a nation, and would expect, from their friendship, that the person who is charged with their affairs, until the arrival of a Minister, should be covered from all insult and injury which might be offered him by a lawless mob, well assured that their Minister residing with Congress would, on all occasions, receive the same. They have been so good as to promise each that he will, in his first

despatches, press the matter on the proper Power, and give me reason to hope that it will be efficacious for your safety. I will transmit your letter to Mr. Jay by the Count de Moustier, who sets out within a week for New York, as Minister Plenipotentiary for France in that country. I sincerely sympathize on your sufferings, and hope that what I have done may effect an end to them.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

TH: JEFFERSON.

Sir,

FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, October 8, 1787.

I had the honor of writing you on the 19th of September, twice on the 22d, and again on the 24th. The two first went by the packet, the third by a vessel bound to Philadelphia. I have not yet learned by what occasion the last went. In these several letters, I communicated to you the occurrences of Europe as far as they were known. Notwithstanding the advantages which the Emperor seemed to have gained over his subjects of Brabant, by the military arrangements he had been permitted to make under false pretexts, he has not obtained his ends. He certainly wished to enforce his new regulations; but he wished more to be cleared of all domestic difficulties that he might be free to act in the great scenes which are preparing for the theatre of Europe. He seems, therefore, to have instructed his Governor General of the Netherlands to insist on compliance, as far as could be insisted, without producing resistance by arms; but at the same time to have furnished him with a sufficiently complete recantation to prevent the effects of insurrection. The Governor pressed; the people were firm; a small act of force was then attempted, which produced a decided resistance, in which the people killed several of the military. The last resource was then used, which was the act of recantation. This produced immediate tranquillity, and every thing there is now finally settled by the Emperor's relinquishment of his plans:

My letter of the evening of September the 22d, informed you that the Prussian troops had entered Holland, and that of the 24th that England had announced to this Court that she was arming generally. These two events being simultaneous, proved that the two sover

eigns acted in concert. Immediately after, the Court of London announced to the other Courts of Europe, that if France entered Holland with an armed force, she would consider it as an act of hostility, and declare war against her; sending Mr. Grenville here at the same time to make what she called a conciliatory proposition. This proposition was received as a new insult, Mr. Grenville very coolly treated, and he has now gone back. It is said he has carried the ultimatum of France. What it is particularly has not transpired. It is only supposed, in general, to be very firm.

You will see in one of the Leyden gazettes, one of the letters written by the Ministers of England to the Courts of their respective residence, communicating the declaration beforementioned. In the meantime Holland has been sooner reduced by the Prussian troops than could have been expected. The abandonment of Utrecht by the Rhingrave de Salm seems to have thrown the people under a general panic, during which every place submitted except Amsterdam that had opened conferences with the Duke of Brunswick; but as late as the 22d instant no capitulation was yet concluded. The King of Prussia on his first move demanded categorically of the King of Poland, what part he intended to act in the event of war. The latter answered he should act as events should dictate; and is, in consequence of this species of menace from Prussia, arming himself. He can bring into the field about seventy thousand good cavalry. In the meantime, though nothing transpires publicly of the confederation between France and the two Empires mentioned in my letter of September 19th, it is not the less sure that it is on the carpet, and will take place. To the circumstances beforementioned may be added, as further indications of war, the naming as Generalissimo of their Marine on the Atlantic, Monsieur de St. Suffrein; on the Mediterranean, Monsieur Albert de Rioms, the recalling Monsieur de St. Priest, their Ambassador, from Antwerp before he had reached the Hague, and the activity in their armaments by sea. On the other hand, the little movement by land would make one suppose they expected to put the King of Prussia into other hands. They, too, like the Emperor, are arranging matters at home. The rigorous duty of the deux vingtiemes is enregistered, the stamp act and impost territorial are revoked, the Parliament recalled, the nation soothed by these acts, and inspirited by the insults of the British Court. The part of the Council still leaning towards peace are become unpopular,

and perhaps may feel the effects of it. No change in the Administration has taken place since my last, unless we may consider as such M. Cabarrus's refusal to stand in the lines. Thinking he should be forced to follow too seriously plans formed by others, he has declined serving. Should this war take place, as is quite probable, and should it be as general as it threatens to be, our neutrality must be attended with great advantages. Whether of a nature to improve our morals or our happiness is another question. But is it sure that Great Britain, by her searches, her seizures, and other measures for harassing us, will preserve our neutrality? I know it may be argued that the land war which she would superadd to her sea war by provoking us to join her enemies, should rationally hold her to her good behavior with us. But since the accession of the present monarch has it not been passion, and not reason, which, nine times out of ten, has dictated her measures? Has there been a better rule of prognosticating what he would do than to examine what he ought not to do? When I review this disposition, and review his conduct, I have little hope of his permitting our neutrality. He will find subjects of provocation in various articles of our treaty with France, which will now come into view in all their consequences, and in consequences very advantageous to the one and the other country. I suggest these doubts on a supposition that our magazines are not prepared for war, and in the opinion that provisions for that event should be thought of.

The enclosed letter from Mr. Dumas came to me open, though directed to you. I immediately waited on the Ambassadors, ordinary and extraordinary, of Holland, and the Envoy of Prussia. I prayed them to interest themselves to have his person, his family, and his goods protected. They promised me readily to do it, and have written accordingly. I trust it will be with effect. I could not avoid enclosing you the letter from Monsieur Bourbé, though I have satisfied him he is to expect nothing from Congress for his inventions. These are better certified than most of those things are; but if time stamps their worth, time will give them to us. He expects no further

answer.

The gazettes of Leyden and France to this date accompany this, which will be delivered you by the Count de Moustier, Minister Plenipotentiary from this country.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

VOL. II.-7

TH: JEFFERSON.