[Translation.]

"What ought to be the object which the different States of Europe have in view, and what plan ought they to form to restrain the ambition of the Bourbons, to preserve, in America as well as in Europe, the balance of power, and to afford an opportunity to the armed neutrality to maintain the just and generous system, in the preservation of which she finds herself personally interested. The plan was not difficult to find; it was, in two words, to free the different European colonies in America from the commercial restraints imposed on them by the different Powers to whom they are at present subject.

"It is not necessary to show the advantages which all the States of Europe would reap, and, in the issue, those very Powers from whom the Colonies should be emancipated, were it possible that this important revolution could have effect with respect to the most precious and richest provinces in the world. My heart leaps to think that we may one day see the Powers of Russia, Denmark, Sweden, Austria, Holland, Prussia, Great Britain, land without restrictions on the coasts of Chili and Peru, when proud monopolists can no longer prevent them from exchanging the productions of Europe for the treasures of America. My heart leaps to think that every State will be certain of procuring all the necessaries and pleasures of life, in the proportion to the fertility of its soil and the industry of its inhabitants. What discoveries have we not reason to expect? What talents shall we not see displayed? To what degree of perfection will not every art, every science be carried, should so vast a field be opened to the activity of the human race? The soul of the friend of mankind feels itself overwhelmed with the grandeur and importance of the ideas which offer themselves to its view, when it figures to itself for an instant the human race united by a mutual interest, and compelled by the ties which bind the communication of commerce to advance the general happiness of mankind. It is needless to stop to prove that such a plan can be executed with little difficulty and expense. Great Britain would certainly be blind to her interests, and have lost all sense to foresight, if she would not exert her utmost strength to carry this plan into execution," &c.

"Who can suppose that Holland would refuse to enter into a confederation whose principles would so particularly favor the extension of her commerce and power?

"Moreover, the new States of North America would not fail to rejoice in an event which would afford them an opportunity of repairing with rapidity the loss of treasure and blood which they so generously lavished in their noble efforts to acquire independence.

"Suppose, then, on the one side, the strict union of such a confederation, whose object should be the general emancipation of the Colonies; France and Spain in the opposite scale against this confederation. Who can doubt but that one campaign would be sufficient to obtain the end which this league should propose? The English fleet is already equal, in the number and strength of its ships, to the fleets of the house of Bourbon. If, then, the armed neutrality, comprehending Holland, should join the forces of England with fifty sail of the line, which might be very easily done, there is no French or Spanish colony which would not be reduced to obedience in the space of six months. The West India Islands, in particular, could make but little resistance; and as to Spanish America, so great benefit would result to these provinces from the suggested project of emancipating the Colonies that, far from fearing their opposition or resistance, we might reasonably reckon on their concurrence," &c.

"The aim of this object should be, to abolish all those restrictions on commerce to which the European colonies on the continent of America are at this time subject; to give entire liberty to these colonies; to establish among them the kind of government which would best suit the characters and genius of their inhabitants; and to make such a division of the islands of America among the Powers who should assist in the system as would defray their respective expenses, provided that the execution of this system should lead them into extraordinary expenses," &c.

"Holland must be assisted in disengaging herself from the impolitic union in which she is at present connected with France, by procuring an army capable to protect her against the invasions of this monarch, and, in case of necessity, even to attack the provinces of France.

"Who does not see that, with little persuasion, the Emperor, that friend of humanity, might be engaged to coöperate in the execution of a plan conformable to his noble and generous disposition?

"The confederates should solemnly engage not to invade, on their own account, any of the possessions nor any of the provinces of

South America; contenting themselves with forcing Spain and her allies to withdraw their fleets and armies from this continent, to demolish the fortifications they have erected there, and to leave the natives at full liberty to adopt such form of government as they may judge most suitable to them.

Finally, as the expenses which the execution of this might occasion appear to authorize some compensation, it is once more proposed to divide the islands of the American Archipelago between the different Powers, promoters of the execution of this plan. The island of Cuba should be given to Russia; Martinico, to Denmark; Guadaloupe, to Sweden; Porto Rico, to Prussia; Spanish Hispaniola, to the Dutch; French Hispaniola, to the Emperor; and the remaining islands, to Great Britain. And, supposing that this plan could be executed with little expense, it would doubtless be more conformable to the generous principles of the league to grant independence also to these islands. They might form a republic among themselves, under a Government whose residence should be established in some. one of them; while the confederated Powers of Europe should establish themselves guarantees of their commerce and politics.

"This plan offers a very beneficial system to the Powers interested in the armed neutrality, and even to mankind.

"Even France and Spain would have no reason to complain of such a confederation," &c.

"As to Spain, there is a greater reason to be astonished that the indignation and resentment of Europe has not iong ago broke out against these proud monopolists, and mankind renounced all sensibility, when it suffered the most fertile and richest provinces in the world to be so long subjected to this hard and detestable Power. What nation but what ought to feel an indignation at thinking on the arrogant pretensions of a single monarchy, which claims the power of possessing so great an extent of country, and preventing any other European State from approaching its borders? Were it not for her oppression and bad government, how many millions of new inhabitants would we not now see prospering in those distant regions, and what benefits would not Europe derive from her communication with these people? The time, then, is not far distant when this tyrannical system of oppression shall be forever abolished, by allowing these unhappy colonies to partake at last of a little liberty and happiness.

"Can we neglect to awaken the attention of Europe towards the indignant treatment which Great Britain has experienced from her enemies?" &c. "Had the independence of America been the only object, their proceedings might have been colored with the appearance of generosity! But what kind of connexion could the possession of Gibraltar, Minorca, Granada, Tobago, and St. Vincent's, have with the independence of this continent?

"Great Britain is accused with having manifested a proud conduct with respect to her neighbors. Were there foundations for this reproach, she has since received too many lessons of humility. But can Europe forget, on the other hand, the different services which almost every one of these Powers has received from the inhabitants of this island-Russia, the brave Frederick, and the Emperor of Germany? And how can we support the idea that there should be in Europe men so insensible to the calamities of their fellow-creatures, so blind to their own interests, as to suffer such a Power to be crushed by an ambitious family, and that States, already sufficiently powerful, should aggrandize themselves with her spoils ?"

Such are the secret thoughts of many in this country, but not a word or hint escapes in conversation. They are sent to you because they afford a clew for the whole political conduct of Great Britain in future, and for the present, too; for it is impossible otherwise to account for the inattention of this country to the commerce and friendship of the United States of America; they are keeping up their navy, and sacrificing everything to seamen, in order to be able to strike a sudden and awful blow to the house of Bourbon, by setting South America free; and they rely upon it the United States will not oppose them.

With great and sincere esteem, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Grosvenor Square, June 6, 1786.

Dear Sir,

I do myself the honor to enclose papers relative to African affairs, although Mr. Jefferson has transmitted them before, as it is possible his conveyance may fail.

The intelligence all tends to confirm what has been more than once written to you before, that two or three hundred thousand pounds sterling will be necessary to obtain a perpetual peace. It is very clear that a peace would be worth more than that sum annually, if you compute insurance, and the Levant, Mediterranean, Portuguese, and Spanish trade.

If Congress should be empowered to lay on taxes upon navigation and commerce, or anything else, to pay the interest of the money borrowed in Europe, you may borrow what you will. If that is not done, their servants abroad had better be all recalled, and our exports and imports all surrendered to foreign bottoms.

Enclosed is a bill now pending. The system of this country is quite settled. It is with our States to unsettle it by acts of retaliation, or to acquiesce in it, as they judge for their own good.

With great regard, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

FROM JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS.

New York, August 19, 1786.

Dear Sir,

I wrote to you on the 7th of last month, and also on the 18th of this, enclosing some papers respecting an American vessel seized at Barbadoes by a British man-of-war. I have been honored with yours of the 16th, 25th, and 28th May, and 6th June last, which, with the papers accompanying them, were immediately laid before. Congress.

The situation in which the want of an adequate representation had, for many months, placed Congress, put it out of their power to decide on several of my reports, some of which were founded on your letters. These delays oblige me to leave those letters unanswered, and to leave you without instructions on points on which I think you should be furnished with the sentiments of Congress.

We daily expect to receive the treaty with Portugal.

I have advised that new commissions be issued to you and Mr. Jefferson.

You will herewith receive the late requisition of Congress, their ordinance for the Indian department, and several other printed papers. A vessel for London has just touched here, and given me