last, and also of 4th, 21st, and 26th January, 1786. All of them have been laid before Congress, from whom I have no instructions to say anything more on the subjects of them than what you will find in my letters to you of the 1st instant. This is to be imputed to there not being so many States convened in Congress as are necessary to decide on matters of that kind, for since last autumn, when the new election took place, they have not had nine States on the floor for more than three or four days, until this week. There are nine at present, and more are expected, so that I hope more attention will now be paid to our foreign affairs than has been the case for many months past.

Your and Mr. Jefferson's joint letter, dated 2d and 11th October last, with the Prussian treaty, has been received, and I have reported a ratification of it, which, when agreed to, shall, without delay, be transmitted. The printed papers herewith transmitted, will give you some idea of our affairs; the proposed impost gains friends, and the Legislature of this State has passed an act in its favor, rather in compliance with the popular opinion than that of a majority in the House. It differs, however, from some material parts in the recommendation of Congress, and it is not certain that in its present state it will be accepted. As this letter will go by the packet, I avoid minute details. I hope by the next private ship to write more circumstantially, especially as it is probable that Congress will by that time have concluded on several matters respecting foreign affairs, which have long been, and now are, under their consideration.

Mr. Anstey is here, and I think has reason to be satisfied with the attention shewn him. The English papers do us injustice, and are calculated to create a much greater degree of asperity in this country than really exists in it.

Mr. Hancock is still at Boston, and it is not certain when he may be expected. This is not a pleasant circumstance, for though the chair is well filled by a chairman, yet the President of Congress should be absent as little and seldom as possible.

With great and sincere regard, &c.,

JOHN JAY.

Sir,

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Grosvenor Square, February 9, 1786.

Colonel Humphreys informs me that he expects to return to America in the spring, if he should not receive orders from Congress

to remain longer in Europe. I would be doing injustice to the public as well as to this gentleman if I were to let him return home without the best testimony I can give him of my entire satisfaction in his conduct from his first arrival, and without the fullest recommendation of him to Congress.

This gentleman and another whom Congress have employed in Europe from General Washington's family, have accomplishments which do honor to their appointments and to the great model under whom they were formed to the service of their country.

With great respect, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Grosvenor Square, February 14, 1786.

Dear Sir,

I have received your letter, enclosing two pamphlets, one of which I have sent to Mr. Jefferson by Colonel Humphreys, who sets out for Paris this morning.

These letters will be sufficient to shew any man of common decency the characters of the writers. On one side there is the condescension of a provident but indulgent father; on the other, the impertinence and ingratitude of a prodigal son, not yet reduced to the mortification of eating husks with the swine.

What with the imprudence of some of our young men, who, like Littlepage, are natives of America, and what with the assurance of some others, who assume the American character with less pretensions to it, our country suffers very much in its reputation.

The scene to which I was witness is truly and candidly described, and I have so certified to Mr. Jefferson and to others.

It is indeed a mortifying consideration that neither purity of character, rank in society, nor any degree of merit or reputation should be a protection against such rude and virulent attacks, which, however despised or resented by virtuous and judicious men, are commonly received and applauded without thinking, by the profligate, and with malignity by the designing. Even such extravagants as Littlepage, as you and I have known before, are sometimes cherished and courted for the deliberate, though secret purpose of doing business which cannot be done by fairer means.

In this case I rely upon it that no injury will be done to you; the attempt is too gross.

My best respects, in which my family desires to join, to Mrs.

The expenses of insurance on American vessels, the obstructions of their commerce with Spain, Portugal, and Italy, and compassion for our fellow-citizens in captivity, all occasioned by apprehensions of the Barbary corsairs, must excite solicitude in every man capable of thinking or feeling. It is, nevertheless, certain that too great an alarm has been spread, since no more than two vessels have been taken by the Algerines, and one by Morocco. Artificial alarms might be diminished by discontinuing the practice of insuring in England. Lloyd's Coffee House has made a great and clear profit because no vessel has yet been taken which has been there insured. If the American merchants would open offices at home, the premium would be saved to the country, and they would find a large balance in their favor. The balance of trade with the English is so much against us that we ought not unnecessarily to make ourselves tributary to them.

Mr. Lamb drew upon me bills for £2,000 at Madrid, the 24th of January, and assures me in his letter of advice that I shall hear from him soon at Barcelona. This gentleman's motions are slow; what can have detained him so long I know not; an entire stranger to him, having never seen him, nor heard of him, until he was announced in your letter. I can say nothing of his character or conduct.

Mr. Jefferson understood him to be recommended by Congress; and he was certainly the bearer of their orders, and I could not but concur in the sentiment of my excellent colleague, and in his construction of the intentions of Congress. Since the appointment was made, and became irrevocable, I heard such opinions and reports of him as have astonished me. He has with him, in Mr. Randall,

an ingenious, worthy man, who may supply any deficiencies, as we hope, and we must now wait with patience until they inform us of their proceedings.

Mr. Barclay and Mr. Franks are at length departed from Paris. Their delay was occasioned by Mr. Beaumarchais. It will be so late before these gentlemen can arrive at Morocco, that the Emperor may be out of patience and send out his frigates.

If the agents were arrived, there would be little reason for confidence in their success. The sum of eighty thousand dollars, it is much to be feared, will not be sufficient to procure treaties of peace. We may find the whole sum consumed, and the difficulty of making peace augmented. Congress will take all these things into consideration, and transmit their orders both respecting the sums to be given as presents, and the funds from whence they are to be drawn. Without a fresh loan in Holland, the treasury of the United States, in Europe, will soon be exhausted.

The American commerce can be protected from these Africans only by negotiation or by war. If presents should be exacted from us as ample as those which are given by England, the expense may amount to sixty thousand pounds sterling a year-an enormous sum, to be sure, but infinitely less than the expense of fighting. Two frigates, of thirty guns each, would cost as much to fit them for the sea, besides the accumulating charges of stores, provisions, pay, and clothing.

The Powers of Europe generally send a squadron of men of war, with their Ministers, and offer battle at the same time that they propose treaties and promise presents. Mr. Barclay and Mr. Lamb are armed only with innocence and the olive branch; and there is some reason to expect that the Emperor and Dey will feel their dignity hurt by the appearance of deputies not immediately appointed by Congress. Time will clear up all doubts, and subsequent arrangements may be taken accordingly.

An envoy from Tripoli is here at present. I saw him at Court, but have not made him a visit. He wishes to see me, as is supposed from what he said yesterday to a gentleman. He said that "most 'of the foreign Ministers had left their cards, but the American had We are at war with his nation, it is true, and that may be 'the reason of his not calling. We will make peace with them, however, for a tribute of an hundred thousand dollars a year-not

'not.

'less." He speaks no European language, except a little of the Lingua Franca, and perhaps a little Italian. To go with an interpreter would occasion speculation, and suggest to him schemes which he might not otherwise think of. To treat with him before any measures are taken with Morocco and Algiers, might offend them. With great respect, &c., JOHN ADAMS.

Sir,

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Grosvenor Square, February 17, 1786.

At a late levee, the King, in conversation with one of the foreign Ministers, was pleased to say "that the Tripoline Ambassador 'refused to confer with his Ministers, and insisted on an audience; but that nothing had been said at it more than that Tripoli and England were at peace, and desirous to continue so. His Majesty 'added, all he wants is a present, and his expenses borne to Vienna ' and Denmark."

If nothing more was said at the audience, there are not wanting persons in England who will find means to stimulate this African to stir up his countrymen against American vessels. It may reasonably be suspected that his present visit is chiefly with a view to the United States to draw them into a treaty of peace, which implies tribute, or at least presents, or to obtain aids from England to carry on a war against us. Feeling his appearance here to be ominous, like that of other irregular bodies, which "from their horrid hair shake pestilence and war," I thought at first to avoid him, but finding that all the other foreign Ministers had made their visits, and that he would take amiss a longer inattention, it was judged necessary to call at his door for the form; but when the attempt was made, which was last evening, so late that there was no suspicion of his being visible, the Ambassador was announced at home, and ready to receive the visitant. It would scarcely be reconcileable to the dignity of Congress to read a detail of the ceremonies which attended the conference. It would be more proper to write them to harlequin for the amusement of the gay at the New York theatre.

It is sufficient to say that his Excellency made many inquiries concerning America, the climate, soil, heat, and cold, &c., and observed, "it is a very great country, but Tripoli is at war with it." In return, it was asked, how there could be war between two