The papers are now filled with paragraphs, which an attentive reader may perceive are inserted, in order to feel out the sentiments of the people concerning a treaty of commerce with France, with Spain, with America, concerning the new Hanoverian engagements in Germany, and concerning the posts, negroes, debts, tories, and all other points in dispute with the United States. They are disguised in such a manner that it is scarcely possible to discover how the Minister inclines; nevertheless, some of them are in such a strain, and discover such an anxiety about the treaties of commerce in negotiation with France and Spain, that I suspect they (the Ministry) have made some propositions to those Courts, and are anxious both to know whether they will be accepted or not, and how they will be received by the British and Irish nations if they should be accepted; a few months' time will remove their and our solicitude upon this head.

I have the honor to be, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

Sir,

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Grosvenor Square, Westminster, September 2, 1785.

Mr. Temple is gone out as Consul General; whether he will be received or not in that character, before a treaty of commerce is made, I know not; if he should not, and should not be provided with credentials as Minister, he will probably wait for further instructions.

I have not made any proposition to the Ministry, as is customary, to send a Minister Plenipotentiary to America, and I shall not venture upon such a step without the instructions of Congress. My own private opinion is that it would be advisable to make the proposition, and to insist upon it, even so far as to recall me if it is not done. These appointments familiarize the people to the idea of the importance of the United States, and have much weight in Europe. But these are not the most important considerations. A British Minister at New York would constantly transmit intelligence to his Court, it is true; but true intelligence is better than false, which now circulates with too little control, and makes impressions at Court and in Parliament which it is not easy to remove.

If Congress, however, should receive Mr. Temple, whether they do or do not propose the appointment of a Minister, they will no

doubt appoint a Consul to reside in England, or a Consul General to reside in London, with power of appointing Vice Consuls in England, Scotland, and Ireland. Ireland is anxious to have one, and he would do great good. I am sure I need not explain myself more fully on that head. I have received many applications, but, as I have no authority, and desire to have none, I have not transmitted them to you. I have no relations or friends to promote; if I had, I certainly should not propose them merely for that reason. Indeed, I should be afraid to propose them, lest it should be for that reason; although I might think them qualified and meritorious.

The Consuls and Vice Consuls are very useful to Ambassadors and Ministers in many ways that I need not explain to you. There is generally a good understanding between them, and there always will be when proper men are appointed to both places.

I do not remember that I have ever proposed to Congress the appointment of a Consul in Holland. I might have made some new friends, or obliged some old ones, perhaps, by recommending them ; I shall, however, recommend no one; but I cannot but think the office would be useful there; and in Sweden and Prussia too, for I suppose the treaty is concluded by this time. Consuls would explore new channels of commerce and new markets for our produce, as well as other sources of supply for us, that we may become less dependent upon England if she should continue unreasonable. Our tobacco and oil might find markets enough where they would have less duties to pay and procure a better price.

I know not whether Mr. Barclay would wish, or be willing, to be translated to London; but a man of his prudence and judgment, vigilance and fidelity, would be wanted here. There are many others, I hope, who have those virtues, and I do not mean to recommend one man more than another.

With great respect, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Grosvenor Square, September 3, 1785.

Dear Sir,

Mr. John Wingrove, the bearer of this letter, I believe will be found a very valuable citizen of the United States. His qualifications you may judge of from his conversation. He has had long

experience in the East Indies, and probably has a perfect knowledge of that country. I beg leave to introduce him to your civilities, and those of all good Americans.

With great respect, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

Dear Sir,

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Grosvenor Square, Westminster, September 6, 1785.

Yesterday I received the two letters you did me the honor to write me on the 3d August. The instructions shall be obeyed as soon as possible.

As to a letter of credence to the Queen, I believe it will now be unnecessary; but, when you send me a letter of recall to the King, it may be proper to send another to the Queen; and when you send a new Minister, to give him a letter of credence to both. Such letters to a Queen consort can be but compliments and wishes of health and prosperity to her person and family, and recommending the Minister to her Majesty's royal benevolence. I did, in the time of it, give assurances to the Marquis of Caermarthen that the omission proceeded not from want of respect, and his Lordship sent my letter to the Queen, as he afterwards told me.

As to the posts, I think I shall have no answer until the meeting of Parliament approaches, and then I expect an answer to everything altogether, and that the surrender of the posts will be made conditional and dependent upon some arrangements or other concerning the debts. But the Ministers are all wrapped up in silence. I really do not wonder at it. The state of the nation is critical beyond all description. The people discontented, and the populace tumultuous. In short, sir, I have seen the time in Holland exactly like this here. I see now, as I saw then, what is not very prudent to talk about. I see that many personages of high rank, who want to converse with me freely, are afraid of being remarked, both at Court and by the mob. Indeed, I see this fear in many of the foreign Ministers. Mobs were never more apprehended or dreaded in Holland, during any part of my residence there, than they are now here. There is this difference: Nobody owns it here, whereas many did there. In case of a commotion, whether there would be

most compliments paid to me or my neighbor, Lord North, I know not. I am not, however, uneasy or apprehensive. There is one thing in my favor; the American cause has been ever most popular among the lowest classes in this country, and I think I have seen symptoms of the same disposition continually since I have been here. It was the same in Holland, and the time may possibly come when this disposition will be as useful here as I found it there. Indeed, almost all the Billingsgate you see in the papers is calculated to counteract this tendency of the people, who, without it, would depopulate many places by emigrations.

I have communicated to the Count de Reventlaw, the Danish Minister here, the resolution of Congress of the 21st of March, and have received, in his polite answer, an obliging assurance that he would transmit it to his Court.

With great respect, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

Dear Sir,

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY.

Grosvenor Square, September 15, 1785.

Having so good an opportunity as this, by Mr. Charles Storer, I do myself the honor to transmit to Congress by him the ratification of the treaty and convention between the United States and the States General of the United Netherlands, which I received in exchange for the ratification of Congress transmitted to me.

I should wish that the receipt of it may be noted in the Journal of Congress, and acknowledged in your despatches to me. The seals are in elegant silver boxes, one to the treaty, and one to the convention.

With great respect, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.

FROM JOHN JAY TO JOHN ADAMS.

New York, November 26, 1785.

Dear Sir,

Congress on Wednesday last made a House, and chose Mr. Hancock, President, but he being absent they appointed Mr. Ramsay, of South Carolina, to fill the chair for the present.

A considerable time had elapsed, during which a sufficient number of States to proceed on business were not represented. In this interval I had the pleasure of receiving your letters of 25th, 28th, 29th, 30th, and 31st August, and 2d, 3d, 6th, and 15th September last, together with the ratifications of the treaty and convention between the United States and the United Netherlands, with the seals to each enclosed in a silver box.

I have laid them all before Congress, and am persuaded that the testimony they bear to your unremitted attention to the interests of our country, will make as strong an impression on them as it does upon me.

There is reason to hope and expect that Congress will soon find leisure to attend more assiduously to their foreign affairs, and enable me to write more precisely on various subjects than I have yet been able to do.

My last letters to you were of the 1st November by Mr. Chollet, and of the 2d by Mr. Houdon.

I now transmit a copy of the proceedings of the commissioners, respecting the negroes carried from hence at the time of the evacuation, together with a list of them. It will enable you to negotiate a settlement of that business with less difficulty. It is to be observed that great numbers were carried from other places as well as from New York, and for whom the British Government ought in justice to make compensation. I shall endeavor to furnish you with such evidence of their numbers, &c., as I may be able to collect.

Mr. Temple is here, and his commission is now before Congress. I shall take the earliest opportunity of communicating to you their decision respecting it.

I herewith enclose a copy of an act of Rhode Island for vesting Congress with the power of regulating foreign trade. In one of the newspapers also sent, you will find another act of that State respecting navigation.

However discordant the various acts of the States on these subjects may be, they nevertheless manifest sentiments and opinions which daily gain ground, and which will probably produce a proper and general system for regulating the trade and navigation of the United States, both foreign and domestic.

The Federal Government alone is equal to the task of forming such a system, and it is much to be wished that partial and local