CORRESPONDENCE OF JOHN ADAMS, ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS FOR THE FORMATION WITH OF THE ANSWERS OF JOHN JAY, 333 SECRETARY FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS. CORRESPONDENCE. FROM JOHN ADAMS, MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY, TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Sir, London, November 9, 1783. About the 14th of September I was seized at Paris with a fever, which proved to be a dangerous one, and brought me very low, so that I was unable to attend to any business for some time. On the 20th of October, in pursuance of the advice of my friends, I set out from Auteuil, a village in the neighborhood of Passy, for London, which city I reached by slow journeys the 26th. I found my strength increase as I advanced, and my health is so much improved that I am persuaded the last sickness has been of service to me, having never enjoyed, since my great sickness at Amsterdam, so good health as at present. Mr. Jay had set off for London about ten days before me, and, since my arrival we have been much together, and have found every thing agreeable, notwithstanding the innumerable and incessant lies and nonsense of the newspapers. As I came here in a private capacity altogether, I have not visited any one of the Ministers, nor any one of the foreign Ambassadors, and I am inclined to think, upon the whole, that I shall not, unless we should receive the commission to treat of commerce, which Congress resolved on the first of last May, while I stay here. The Whig part of the present Administration are much embarrassed with the Tory part and their refugees; so that the spirit of the present Administration, I must in duty say, is not so friendly to the United States as it ought to be; for want of powers, however, we can reduce nothing to a certainty. We expect every day to receive our commission and instructions. Mr. Hartley thinks himself empowered to finish the business with us by his former commission. The Ministry are of the same opinion; and it is no doubt true, so that as soon as our commission and instructions arrive we shall enter upon the conferences. But whether we shall go to Paris, or Doctor Franklin will come here, at present I know not. The negotiation, I am persuaded, would succeed better here than at Paris. I have the honor to be, &c., JOHN ADAMS. FROM JOHN ADAMS TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. Sir, London, November 13, 1783. If any one should ask me what is the system of the present Administration, I should answer, "to keep their places." Every thing they say or do appears evidently calculated to that end, and no ideas of public good, no national object is sufficient to interfere with it. In order to drive out Shelburne, they condemned his peace, which all the Whig part of them would have been very glad to have made, and have gloried in the advantages of it. In order to avail themselves of the old habits and prejudices of the nation, they now pretend to cherish the principles of the navigation act, and the King has been advised to recommend this in his speech, and the Lords have commended it in very strong terms. The coalition appears to stand on very strong ground, the Lords and great Commoners, who compose it, count a great majority of members of the House of Commons, who are returned by themselves, every one of whom is a dead vote. They are endeavoring to engage the Bedford interest with them, in order to strengthen themselves still more, by persuading Thurlow to be again Chancellor, and Mr. Pitt, whose personal popularity and family weight with the nation is very desirable for them, is tempted with the place of Chancellor of the Exchequer, which Lord John Cavendish, from mere aversion to business, wishes to resign. While they are using such means to augment their strength, they are manifestly intimidated at the sight of those great national objects, which they know not how to manage. Ireland is still in a state of fermentation, throwing off the admiralty, post office, and every other relic of British parliamentary authority, and contending for a free importation of their woolen manufactures into Portugal, for the trade to the East Indies, to the United States of America, and all the rest of the world, in as ample manner as the English enjoy these blessings. The Irish volunteers are also contending for a parliamentary reform, and a more equal representation in their Houses of Commons, and are assembling, by their delegates, in a Congress at Dublin, to accomplish it. This rivalry of Ireland is terrible to the Ministry; they are supposed to be at work to sow jealousies and divisions between the Protestants and Catholics in Ireland. The East Indies exhibit another scene which will be formidable to the Ministers. Here centre the hopes of England, and it is certain that no system can be pursued which will give universal satisfaction. Some require the Government to take that whole country into their own hands; others demand aids in cash, and troops to the company. Opposition will be first formed probably upon India affairs. Public credit is the greatest object of all. The necessary annual expense, comprehending the interest of the whole national debt, funded and unfunded, and the peace establishment, will amount to near seventeen millions. The annual receipts of taxes have never yet amounted to thirteen millions. Here will be a deficiency then of near four millions a year, which will render an annual loan necessary, until the debt will be so increased, and the stock so sunk, that no man will lend his money. The judicious call upon Ministers for a remedy, and will embarrass with their reproaches; but the stockjobbers are more numerous than the judicious, and more noisy. These live upon loans, and as long as Ministers borrow twelve millions a year, and employ the stock-jobbers to raise it, however certainly the measure tends to ruin, their clamors will be for Ministers. An enormous loan is the most popular thing a statesman can undertake, so certain is the bankruptcy of this country; opposition will declaim upon this topic, but will make no impression. VOL. II.-22 |