great deal of good. However, I concluded it safer to take one whom we knew and who knew us. The Marquis was decidedly of this opinion. Ternant will see that his predecessor is recalled for unconciliatory deportment, and that he will owe his own promotion to the approbation of the President. He established a solid reputation in Europe by his conduct when Generalissimo of one of the United Provinces, during their late disturbances; and it is generally thought that if he had been put at the head of the principal province, instead of the Rhingrave de Salm, he would have saved that cause. Upon the whole, I believe you may expect that the Count de Moustier will have an immediate leave of absence, which will soon after become a recall in effect. I will try also to have the Consuls admonished as to the line of conduct they should observe. I shall have the honor of writing you a general letter within a few days. I have now that of assuring you of the sentiments of sincere esteem and respect, &c.,

TH: JEFFERSON.

Paris, March 14.-The operation mentioned in my letter of February 4, is going on. Montmorin has proposed to Ternant to go as Chargé d'Affaires. Ternant called on me a few days ago, to know whether I thought his appointment would be agreeable to us; though he is obliged to give up his regiment, which is a certainty for life, for this mission, which is uncertain in its duration, he will do it. Perhaps Otto may be left awhile longer to put Ternant into the train of affairs. I suppose M. de Moustier will have received his leave of absence before you receive this.

March 18.-Ternant has again seen Montmorin, who told him that in the beginning of April he would decide finally about his mission.

Sir,

FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, March 1, 1789.

My last letters have been of the 11th, 14th, and 21st of January. The present conveyance being through the post to Havre, from VOL. II.-18

whence a vesssel is to sail for New York, I avail myself of it, principally, to send you the newspapers. That of Leyden of the 24th, contains a note of the Chargé d'Affaires of France at Warsaw, which is interesting. It shows a concert between France and Russia; it is a prognostication that Russia will interfere in the affairs of Poland, and if she does, it is more probable that the King of Prussia must be drawn into the war. The revolution which has taken place in Geneva is a remarkable and late event. With the loss of only two or three lives, and in the course of one week, riots begun at first on account of a rise in the price of bread, were improved and pointed to a reformation of their constitution, and their ancient constitution has been almost completely reëstablished; nor do I see any reason to doubt of the permanence of the reëstablishment. The King of England has shewn such marks of returning reason, that the Regency bill was postponed in the House of Lords on the 19th instant. It seems now probable there may be no change of the Ministry; perhaps no Regent. We may be sure, however, that the present Ministry make the most of those favorable symptoms. There has been a riot in Brittany, begun on account of the price of bread, but converted into a quarrel between the noblesse and tiers état. Some few lives were lost in it. All is quieted for the present moment. In Burgundy and Franche Compté, the opposition of the nobles to the views of the Government is very warm. Everywhere else, however, the revolution is going on quietly and steadily, and the public mind ripening so fast that there is great reason to hope a good result from the States General. Their numbers (about 1200) give room to fear, indeed, that they may be turbulent. Having never heard of Admiral Paul Jones since the action in which he took a part before Oczakow, I began to be a little uneasy; but I have now received a letter from him, dated at St. Petersburgh, the 31st of January, where he had just arrived, at the desire of the Empress. He has hitherto commanded on the Black sea. He does not know whether he shall be employed there or where, the ensuing campaign. I have no other interesting intelligence which would not lead me into details improper for the present mode of conveyance. After observing, therefore, that the gazettes of France and Leyden to the present date accompany this, I shall only add assurances of the sincere esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, &c.,

TH: JEFFERSON.

Sir,

FROM THOMAS JEFFERSON TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, March 12, 1789.

I had the honor of addressing you on the 1st instant, through the post. I write the present, uncertain whether Mr. Nesbitt, the bearer of your last, will be the bearer of this, or whether it may not have to wait some other private occasion. They have reëstablished their packet-boats here, indeed, but they are to go from Bordeaux, which being between four and five hundred miles from hence, is too far to send a courier with any letters but on the most extraordinary occasions, and without a courier they must pass through the post office. I shall therefore not make use of this mode of conveyance, but prefer sending my letters by a private hand, by the way of London. The uncertainty of finding private conveyances to London is the principal objection to this.

On the receipt of your letter advising me to purchase the two volumes of Deane's letters and accounts, I wrote to the person who had them, and, after some offers and refusals, he let me have them for 25 louis, instead of 120 louis asked at first. He told me that Deane had still six or eight volumes more, and that when he should return to London he would try to get them, in order to make himself whole for the money he had lent Deane. As I knew he would endeavor to make us pay dear for them, and it appeared to be your opinion, and that of the members you had consulted, that it was an object worthy attention, I wrote immediately to a friend in London, to endeavor to purchase them from Deane himself, whose distresses and crapulous habits will probably render him more easy to deal with. I authorized him to go as far as fifty guineas; I have as yet no answer from him. I enclose you a letter which I wrote last month to our bankers in Holland. As it will itself explain the cause of its being written, I shall not repeat its substance here. In answer to my proposition to pay bills for the medals and the redemption of our captives, they quote a resolution of Congress (which, however, I do not find in the printed journal) appropriating the loans of 1787 and 1788 to the payment of interest of the Dutch loans till 1790, inclusive, and the residue to salaries and contingencies in Europe, and they agree that, according to this, they are not to pay anything in Europe till they shall first have enough to pay all the interest which will become due to the end of the year 1790; and

that it is out of personal regard that they relax from this so far as to pay diplomatic salaries. So that here is a clear declaration, they will answer no other demands till they have in hand money enough for all the interest to the end of the year 1790. It is but a twelvemonth since I have had occasion to pay attention to the proceedings of those gentlemen; but, during that time, I have observed, that as soon as a sum of interest is becoming due, they are able to borrow just that and no more; or at least only so much more as may pay our salaries and keep us quiet. Were they not to borrow for the interest, the failure to pay that would sink the value of the capital, of which they are considerable sharers. So far, their interests and ours concur. But there, perhaps, they may separate. I think it possible they may choose to support our credit to a certain point, and let it go no further, but at their will, to keep it so poised as that it may be at their mercy. By this they will be sure to keep us in their own hands. They write word to the Treasury, that in order to raise money for the February interest, they were obliged to agree with the subscribers that Congress should open no other loan at Amsterdam this year till this one be filled up, and that this shall not be filled but by the present subscribers, and they not obliged to fill it. This is delivering us, bound hand and foot, to the subscribers; that is, to themselves. Finding that they would not raise money for any other purposes, without being pushed, I wrote the letter I enclose you. They answer, as I have stated, by refusing to pay, alleging the appropriation of Congress. I have written again, to press them further, and to propose to them the payment of thirty thousand florins only, for the case of our captives, as I am in hopes this may do. In the close of my letter to them, you will observe I refer them, as to the article of foreign officers, to the Board of Treasury. I had, in truth, received the printed journals a few days before, but had not yet had time to read them carefully, and particularly had not then noted the vote of Congress of August 20th, directing me to attend to that article. I shall not fail to do what I can in it, but I am afraid they will consider this also as standing on the same ground with the other contingent articles.

This country being generally engaged in its elections, affords nothing new and worthy of communication. The hopes of accommodations between Turkey and the two empires do not gain strength. The war between Russia and Denmark on the one hand, and Sweden

on the other, is likely also to go on, the mediation of England being rendered of little force by the accident to its executive. The progress of this war, and also of the broils in Poland, may possibly draw the King of Prussia into it during the ensuing campaign; and it must, before it be finished, take in this country, and perhaps England. The ill humor on account of the Dutch revolution continues to rankle here. They have recalled their Ambassador from the Hague, manifestly to show their dissatisfaction with that Court, and some very dry memorials have lately been exchanged on the subject of the money this country assumed to pay the Emperor for the Dutch. I send you very full extracts of these, which will show you the dispositions of the two Courts towards each other. Whether, and when, this country will be able to take an active part, will depend on the issue of their States General. If they fund their public debts judiciously, and will provide further funds for a war on the English plan, I believe they will be able to borrow any sum they please. In the meantime, the situation of England will leave them at leisure to settle their internal affairs well. That Ministry, indeed, pretend their King is perfectly reëstablished. No doubt they will make the most of his amendment, which is real to a certain degree. But, as under pretence of this, they have got rid of the daily certificate of the physicians, and they possessed of the King's person, the public must judge hereafter from such facts only as they can catch. There are several at present, which, put together, induce a presumption that the King is only better, not well. And should he be well, time will be necessary to give a confidence that it is not merely a lucid interval. On the whole, I think we may conclude that that country will not take a part in the war this year, which was by no means certain before.

M. del Pinto, formerly Minister of Portugal at London, and the same who negotiated the treaty with us, being now put at the head of the Ministry of that country, I presume that negotiation may be renewed successfully, if it be the desire of our Government. Perhaps an admission of our flour into their ports may be obtained now, as M. del Pinto seemed impressed with our reasoning on that subject, and promised to press it on his Court, though he could not then venture to put it into the treaty. There is not the same reason to hope any relaxation as to our reception in Brazil, because he would scarcely let us mention that at all. I think myself, it is their interest