The ENGLISHMAN in DUBLIN GAPING for PREFERMENT.

And behold, I will bring thee into the Land of Canaan, a Land flowing with Milk and Honey, in which thou shalt tack nothing.

time, the confequences of which he said were an infamous prodigality, an embargo, an ad miffion of every thing in every fhape from England.] And what are, continued be, the boafted relaxations Britain has granted to us? The first was in 1778, as contemptible in principle as in effect, for after a bar of lawyers was brought to plead against Ireland in the EngIfh Houfe of Commons, we were permitted to export every thing but our manufactures. Their favour was an infult and an aggravation to our mifery. The minifter fends over to know the caufes of our diftrefs, and he is answered from his agents here, that it was done away, and that we were latisfied by being permitted to cultivate tobacco. The fecond period was in 1779, when government abdicated the defence of Ireland, and Ireland appeared in arms, the minister now changed his tone, he glanced a temporary gleam of hope upon our fhields; he gave us every thing, but kept the power of taking it back, he retained a mutiny-bill and the poft-office act.--The third period was a minifterial addrefs of thanks, evidently calculated to diffolve the union of the people; it had its effect in a paroxyfm of eale, and when it was known that the ftrength of the house was dif folved, and that the glory of 1779 was no more, an order comes over to oppofe on every occafion the latent claims of Ireland; to oppofe an Irish mutiny-bill, to alter the fugar-bill; and when lord Hillsborough found you had lot all veneration for yourselves, he loft it for you likewife. The reprobated measure of a perpetual mutiny-bill followed, but you have not done with it yet, you have ftabbed your country and the ound is feftering. Emboldened by your diffo lution, English acts binding Ireland were paffed laft winter. Is the claim of the British parliament to legiflate for this kingdom given up, as I have heard fome gentlemen ay in this houfe? How futile and ridiculous now do these arguments appear, that declared the return of the Irish mutiny-bill was a renunciation of legifla tion on the part of England? How futile and abfurd are all the arguments that teemed on that occafion from the government prefs?

I am for tranquility; it is for honourable tranquility; but when I fee an adminiftration un. able to make a blow against an enemy, tyrannize over Ireland, I am bound to exert every power to oppose it.

Ireland is in ftrengh, the has acquired that ftrength by the weakness of Britain, for Ireland was faved when America was loft: When Eng land conquered, Ireland was coerced, when the was defeated, Ireland was relieved, and when Charlestown was taken, the mutiny and fugar. bills were altered. Have you not all of you, when you heard of a defeat at the fame inftant, condoled with England and congratulated Ire

land?

In every infance, the power of Britain over you appears. thall mention one: Before the repeal of the English act, to retain the direct importation of fugar from the West Indies, a refpe&able merchant, alderman Horas, offers to enter fome; there being no high ftatute to prevent it, the commiffioners of the revenue hefttate fome time, and when they find that every

kind of application to that gentleman, to diffuade him from perfifting in vain, they tell him he may pals his entry, but that the Stag frigate, over which they have no command, lies in the harbour ready to feize the hip. Thus did the commiffioners fhelter themfelves behind the Stag frigate; and a Stag frigate will always be found ready to affert the power of the British legiflature over Ireland, until the rights of Ireland are explained. How neceffary, therefore, is it to do it now? Surely you do not expect, like the Jews, redemption to come down from Hea ven, if you do not help yourfelves?-Ireland is connected in her franchises with England, not by conqueft, as judge Blackflone has childishly faid, but by a compact. [Here, in a mafterly, clear, and energic manner, he made a number of bif! torical quotations, in which it was undeniably proved, that the fupremacy of the Irish parlias ment was allowed by the kings of England, from Henry the fecond to Charles the first; and that the execution of the English laws that followed in Ireland, was accompanied by acts of tyranny and murder. He then adduced a number of Irish acts, that proved Ireland had never furrendered her imperial right of legislature.

Precedents, continued he, of the execution of English laws in this kingdm, fioce 1741, avail nothing, they may foften the cenfure on a judge who acts under them, but laws or franchises cannot be done away by thofe partial adjudications that put out the lamp of liberty.

If England was for a moment awake to her interefts, the should come forward and invite ug to her arms, by doing away for ever, each cause of jealouty.

How, but by the strictest union, can Great Britain, with only eight millions of people, oppofe the dreadful combination of seven millions in Spain, with twenty-four millions in France, and two in Holland? Will the caft off three millions of brave and loyal fubjects in Ireland, st fo critical and eventual a time?

An Irish army, the wonder of the world, has now exifted for three years, where every foldier is a freeman, determined to fhed the laft drop of blood to defend his country, to fupport the exe cution of its laws, and give vigour to-its police. The enemy threaten an invafion, the Irish army comes forward, adminiftration is ftruck dumb with wonder, their deputies in their military drefs go up to the caftle, not as a fervile crowd of courtiers attending the lord lieutenant's levee, but as his protectors, while the cringing crowd of fycophants swarm about the treasury, and, after having thrown away their arms, offer nothing but naked fervitude.

You are now lofing the British conftitution, which by compact you were to possess: Two councils, with more than parliamentary power, dependent judges, a mutiny-bill, loft; and governors like the Roman pro-confuls in diftast provinces, are fent over to fleece you.

A general election is fhortly to take place, what will be your answer to those who have fent you here, when you refign your delegated traft, and they ask you, where are our rights? Where is our fugar-bill? Where our mutinybill?

What will be the confequence of your not explaisin

explaining your rights now ? When a peace happens it will be then too late; your island will be drained of its people, the emigrants will fay, let us prefer freedom in America to flavery at home, and cease to be his Majefty's fubjects here, to be his equals there. Let us not there fore fuffer the fame men, whose infamous arts were reprobated in America, to fucceed here. He then made his motion for an addrefs to his majefty,

To affure his majesty of our most fincere and unfeigned attachment to his majesty's person and government.

"To affure his majesty that the people of Ireland are a free people; that the crown of Ireland is a distinē kingdom with a parliament of her own, the fole legislature thereof.

"To affure his majetty. that by our fundamental laws and franchifes,, which we, on the part of this nation do claim and challenge as her birth right, the subjects of this kingdom cannot be bound, affected or obliged, by any legislature, fave only the king, Jords, and commons, of this his majesty's realm of Ireland; nor is there any other body of men who have power or authority to make laws for the fame.

"To affure his majefty, that his majefty's fubjects of Ireland conceive, that in this privilege is contained, the very effence of their liberty, and that they tender it as they do their lives, and accordingly have with one voice declared and protefted against the inte pofition of any other parliament, in the legislation of this country.

"To affure his majesty, that we have feen with concern, the parliament of Great Britain advance a claim to make law for Ireland, and our anxiety is kept alive, when we perceive the fame parliament ftill perfill in that claim, as may appear by receat British acts, which affect to bind Ireland, but to which the fubjects of Ireland can pay no attention.

"To affure his majesty, that next to our liberties, we value our connection with Great Britain, on which we conceive, at this time moft particularly, the happiness of both kingdoms does depend, and which, as it is our most fincere with, fo fhall it be our principal study to cultivate, and reader perpetual. That under this impreffion, we cannot suggest any means, whereby fuch connection can to much be im. proved or frengthened, as by a renunciation of the claim of the British parliament, to make law for Ireland, a claim useless to England, cruel to Ireland, and without any foundation in law.

“That impressed with an high sense of the unanimity and justice of the British character, and in the most entire reliance on his majefty's paternal care, we have fet forth our right and fentiments, and without prefcribing any mode to his majefty, throw our felves on his royal wifdom."

The right hon. William Brownlow feconded the motion, and faid, the people know their rights, and it is needles for government to pre tend to oppofe what must at last be obtained,

Right hon. Huffey Burgh.-1 rile not with any ambition to add to what has been to ably

urged by the hon. gentleman who made the motion, but with the ambition only, of being enrolled among the affertors of my country's rights. The lupremacy of the British legitation over this kingdom, I truft no man is daring enough to affert here; though I find a pamphlet, written by Se jeant Major, is induftriously dilperied, where the writer with fome ingenuity, I confels, endeavours to prove the right of England to legiflate, but his arguments are weak, and his deductions talle.

Right hon, attorney general.-I do not rise to derogate from the merit or to cheapen the talents of the hon. gentleman who made this motion, nor can I entertain a doubt of the purity of his intentions, but I shall submit my honest sentiments, plain and unadorned; and though by the arts of eloquence, I cannos hope to ar eft your attention, and delight your imagination, yet I truft, Sir, to prove to the fatisfaction of the house, that this motion is inadmiffible: Yet, as I have nothing but reason and common fense to oppote to the most eloquent and artful harangue I ever remember to have heard, I must rely on the candour of the house for a patient hearing.

We are defired to addrefs the king, that he will interfere with his parliament, to renounce any claim of authority over this country. The time that has been chofen to agitate this question, is peculiarly improper, and the object of the motion utterly impracticable; at a season of the greatest national peril, you are defired to addrefs his majefty, to do away a claim of the British parliament, though no method has been fuggeft. ed by which his majefty can accomplish that end.

I do not mean to agitate the queftion of right; the act of the fixth of George the first is certainly of little ornament upon the ftatute book, and of ftill lefs ufe; yet, if it gives nothing to England, it certainly takes away nothing from Ireland-the question antwers itself. But fuppofe we were to agree to this addrefs, and the British parliament fhould declare that they never had any right to bind Ireland; in what a wretched and milerable Gtuation would this country then be placed; what scenes of anarchy and confufion would arife, which, did the hon. gentleman but for a moment confider, he would fhudder at the profpect. I have looked over the papers of the forfeited estates, and find that there is scarcely a name in the house that does not enjoy fome por tion of them, nor a county in Ireland of which they do not make a confiderable part. A worthy reprefentative of the county of Cavan, holds ■ large property, formerly forfeited, and afterwards granted by an English law. I hope he will not doubt the validity of his title. Many gentlemen who hear me are in the fame fituation; yet we are defired to implore his majefty, that he will be graciously pleased to deprive his faithful fubjects of Ireland of their eflates, held under acts of the British parliament, because that parliament never had any power to make laws binding upon Ireland. Some days ago the obfervation of a learned friend of mine (Mr. Fitzgibbon) electrified the house, when he told us that we were about to difturb all property derived under the laws of forfeiture, &c. &c. 1 defire to know what your feelings now are, when you

are

are defired to loofe all the bands which unite fociety, and leave almost the whole property of the kingdom to be grappled for by the delcendants of the antient proprietors.

The question of right is fometimes a queftion of power, we are told that Great Britain has exercited it very lately; but furely we never had lefs provocation to complain of its exercife than at preftat. If England has lately mentioned this country, it is in an act by which the fufpends her own navigation in our own favour; and fhall we fay, do not exercite your power for our advantage? Is it becoming the loyalty of the Irish people to fay we will be a primary nation? and though the ftatute has exprefsly declared, that the imperial crown of Ireland is appendant to the crown of Englaud, is this a time to lay that we will not be a fecondary flate? [Here Mr. Gratian role to explain, that he did not fay we should become a primary flate-but if fuch doctrines as the right hon. gentleman maintained, were attempted to be enforced, we might be drove to what no man would with, to become a primary nation.] After fome further explanations between Mr. Grattan and the attorney ge, neral, the latter gentleman proceeded. The hon, gentleman has faid, that now when Great Britain is hemmed in by enemies on every fide, when finking under a load of debt, and the repeated strokes of ill fortune, no refiltance can be feared from her when Ireland is in full vigour, expert in arms, and almost certain of success now is the proper time for demanding from Bri tain the relinquishment of what their ancestors have handed down from age to age-to make the British parliament eat up their words and humble them before us; to make them disclaim a power which they have exercised for our benefit, and to plunge the nation into an armed anarchy. If an ambassador from France or Spain, or if the boldest agent for the rebels of America, was at your bar to urge the house in language fuch as this, I should not be much furprized, though I truft no man could be feduced by it; for it ill accords with the loyal and liberal feelings of frishmen, who scorn to take advantage even of an enemy in diftrefs, but always remember acts of friendship with gratitude; I am therefore against the addrefs, because it would give the world an opportunity of faying Ireland has made demands on Great Britain, and is in arms to enforce them. I am against it because it is a challenge, though couched in terms of civility because it tends to anarchy and mif rule-because the thing contended for can never gain frength but by ftruggle and because if obtained, it would thake all the property in the nation. Upon these principles, I think it an honour to oppose this address in any way, but from refped to the hon. mover, I will not give it a direct negative, but move to have it put off to the first of Auguft.

Mr. Richard Hely Hutchinson, Mr. Forbes, Mr. Ogle, Mr. Moffom, and Mr. Bushe joined in the debate.

Mr. Flood. I do not rife, after the queftion has been treated with fuch great ability, to delay the house by any length of discourfe, as I find

that no man in the house maintains the right of the British parliament to bind Ireland. Does any man maintain it?-[a cry no, no, no.]—The firft officer of the crown will excufe me then, if I think his fentiments on this fubject to important as to demand an explicit answer from him. I do not blame him for the unwillingness he fhews to declare, it would be highly indifcreet to in volve himself unnecessarily in this business: 1 therefore call upon him, and adjure him to an fwer me, whether he gives up this right or no? He said that a question of right is fometimes a question of power. If the right hon. gentlemaa has no other argument on behalf of Britain, her authority will foon be at an end.

The attorney general.—I thank the right hon gentleman for marking me out as a proper perfoa to propose his question to. I perceive he has engaged in it with great earnestness indeed; but, Sir, I know the value of my existence as well 20 he; I know I am the fervant of the crown, and the fervant of the people, and if a difference should arife between them, I should think myself unworthy the favour of either, if I feared to declare my opinion to both; but at present I fee no neceffity for any declaration and I think that no friend of this country would bring fuch a queftion for ward. I am attorney general to the king of Ireland, as connected with England. If the `intereft of the two nations should clash, rather than be the trustee of England, I should retire from my office. But I am not the trustee of Great Britain; I am the truffee of the law; and F think it unwife to agitate queftions between nation and nation. I do suppose that I am to take the law from my predeceffors- ftate acts of parliament, not rights.

Mr. Flood.-I called upon the right hon. gen tleman as an able man, a man of high profethonal knowledge, and he has satisfied me he will maintain the right of England. He fays he is a truflee; but I thought it was of Ireland, not of England. He fays that power makes right: If he lays that power makes right, he fays there is co right, for power is the right of highwaymen, the legislature of parricides: But if all you contend against is the efforts of power, the proper time to overthrow it, is the feafon of weakness. In the last feffion of parliament I confented to fufpend a declaration of right, refting upon the virtue of individuals, that they would not obey any foreign act; and upon the wildom of the British miniftry, that they would before now have given up the clain : But I find the claim continued, and therefore I hold it neceffary to make a declaration of the liberties and confiitutional rights of Ireland.

Mr. Grattan closed the debate with a full refutation of the few arguments, brought against the addrefs.

After which, the question being put on the attornoy general's motion" to adjourn the confi deration of the addrefs to the firit of August,” a divifion ensued,