wished to 'bless' a man, he would do as follows: He would take his bow and arrows in both hands and take the spirits around the hill into his wigwam (into the middle of the hill), where stood a stone pillar. On this pillar he drew the pictures of various animals. Then he danced around the stone and sang, and when he was finished, commenced to breathe upon it. Then he walked around it again, shot at it, and it turned into a deer with great antlers. So I could do if I wished, and if I poured tobacco and fasted. . . . .. My father was a great hunter, and I would have been delighted to be like him. . . .

...

"Through fasting one obtains the power of curing disease. While I was fasting the spirits came to me from a doctor's village up above. The shaman gathered around me and told me it would be difficult. Then he who was in front began to breathe audibly and all those in the wigwam helped him. When they finished this, they began to sing. This they showed me and they said, 'When a person is sick and in a critical condition and all others have failed to cure him, they will call upon you and offer you tobacco, which you are to direct toward us'. . . . . . Certainly I should have been holy, for very earnestly I labored."

These two examples illustrate all the important points in the fasting experiences of the Ojibwa. The two most essential elements are the control exercised by the older generation and the formulaic character of what is taught.

It will be seen by a glance at the first fasting experience that a great control is exercised by the parent or grandparent on the blessings to be accepted. How minute this control is has not been determined, but it is extremely probable that practically everything is given with the possible exception of the specific individuality of the manito itself. In other words, the youth does not go out to fast vaguely, for some indefinite, hazy object, but as we have seen, for something definite; something sharply circumscribed and which he is subsequently to clothe in religiousliterary formulae that have been handed down from generation to generation. That there are variations of detail must not be overlooked, but they are not essential.

In the second example, the control of the parent is exercised in another way. Being himself a powerful shaman he has the natural desire to have one of his children inherit all his supernatural powers and the material wealth it has brought him, and to do so he surrounds his son with conditions that practically make it certain that he will be blessed by the same spirits in the same way. Practically the son inherits these powers and gifts, but only that son who duplicates those religious con

ditions his father submitted to when he "was blessed," and consequently only that son who shows especial aptitude and conscientious endeavor will obtain them. If no son should show such an aptitude, the powers will pass to some more distant relative.

The religious intensity of the shaman, of the gifted man, thus turns out to be not a question of chance variation, but one due to conscious selection of specially endowed individuals, from generation to generation, within a small number of families.

A number of other points relating to the manito belief will now have to be discussed, namely, the localization of the manitos; the existence of two great manitos, and the nature of manito as a general "force."

It is extremely significant that in many instances where individuals are "blessed" by animal manitos, these are always found to be definitely located. An individual is "blessed" not by some general manito-snake, for instance, but by a definite manito-snake, located in some definite place. For instance, a person is crossing a certain lake, and a terrible storm comes up; but he has been "blessed" by the particular manito in control of this lake and by the appropriate prayers and offerings, the storm is allayed. A man is "blessed" by a number of manitos, but he does not call upon them indiscriminately. Had the foregoing Ojibwa not been "blessed" with the particular manito in question, he would have been drowned.

The question of the belief in two all-powerful manitos, one in control of all the good, the other in control of all the bad spirits, is extremely difficult to discuss in the present state of our knowledge. Christian influences may have penetrated here. Still the belief is found among the linguistically kindred Pottawattomie, Ottawa, Menominee and the culturally kindred Winnebago. There is no question in our mind that the belief will turn out to be a development of the shaman, for it is always found in the great ritualistic legends that have undoubtedly been developed by them. It seems likely that the "exoteric" group did not possess this belief in the beginning and that the influence of the whites and its similarity to that of the Christian God and devil made it spread more generally among these Indians than it would have done had there been no contact with the whites.

Of the "manito-force" discussed by Wm. Jones for the Sauk and Fox, and which has been taken by all investigators to apply to the Woodland Indians generally, we find no evidence, and we are strongly inclined to believe that Jones' formulation is over-systematised. The

difficulties encountered in obtaining adequate and precise information on this subject are, it is known, almost insurmountable. Yet the overwhelming balance of the data, and it seems to us even that quoted by Jones himself, indicates that the Indian regards an object as manito, sacred, because it contains a manito, and if the conditions were propitious, he could be "blessed" by it. If a belief in a manito "essence" or "force" exists it is as a characteristic of a manito. That the "essence" exists apart and separate from the manito is, we believe, an unjustified assumption, an abstraction created by investigators.

But there is a vagueness about the nature of the manito which has perhaps led investigators, and even Indians, astray when they attempted to translate the concept into words, for purposes of explanation, and which is paralleled by that which exists in their belief in the transformation of individuals at will, under certain conditions, into animals, trees, immaterial forces (from our point of view), ghosts, etc. The nature of the manito is properly that of a tertium quid, from our point of view. The whole question is, is it that from the Indian's point of view? We do not think so; for he does not make the opposition of corporeal and noncorporeal; data obtained through direct sense impressions and that through mediated sense impressions, in anything like our way. To investigate exactly, what, if any, opposition they make in regard to these matters is, perhaps, the most fascinating, as it is certainly the most difficult of ethnological problems.

We have dealt only with the most characteristic and fundamental points of Ojibwa religion, for the space at our disposal will not permit us to discuss more.

XX.

A NOTED ANTHROPOLOGIST (DR. A. F. CHAMBERLAIN).

The death occurred on April 8, 1914, of Alexander Francis Chamberlain, professor of anthropology in Clark University, Worcester, Mass. Prof. Chamberlain was a son of the late George and Maria Chamberlain, of Toronto, and was born at Kenninghall, Norfolk, England, January 12, 1865. He came with his parents to Canada in early youth, and received in Peterborough, Ont., his primary school education, as well as a training in the Collegiate Institute of that city. He took an Arts course in the University of Toronto, where he received the degree of Bachelor of Arts, 1886, and Master of Arts, 1889. During his college course he showed a rare capacity for the rapid mastery of languages. Immediately after taking his bachelor degree in 1886, he was appointed to the fellowship in modern languages, in his alma mater, and in 1890-92 held the fellowship in anthropology in Clark University, Worcester, Mass., where he received his Ph.D. degree in the last named year. He was then appointed to a lectureship in the same university, and afterwards to an assistant professorship, which position he held up to the time of his death. 1898 he married Miss Mary Isabel Cushman of Worcester.

In

The Toronto Globe, after reciting the main facts of his life, referred to his distinguished career in the following terms: His rapid mastery of foreign languages was a form of ability that stood him in good stead when later in life he had to pick up as best he could under serious difficulties the languages of the Indian tribes whose characteristics he had under observation.

Early in his academic career Prof. Chamberlain began in his own neighborhood his observations on the languages, manners, customs, and folklore of the Indians on the reserves in Ontario. The publication of the results of his researches brought him and his work to the attention of anthropologists, generally, in Canada, the United States, Great Britain and other countries. In 1891, for a Committee of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, he conducted protracted investigations of the tribal peculiarities of the Kootenay Indians in British Columbia.

He edited, from 1901 onward, the Journal of American Folklore, and, in addition to many papers contributed to scientific periodicals, he prepared articles for several encyclopædias, including the new Encyclopædia Britannica.

He leaves behind him (the Globe added editorially) at his untimely passing a high reputation as an original investigator of anthropological phenomena. By sheer force of ability and untiring work he made his way into the front rank of research toilers in the field of anthropology, where he was ultimately recognized as an authority. His observations of the customs and languages of Indian tribes involved long journeys and much physical hardship, but for this he was amply repaid by his interest in the natives and their regard for him. He was the recipient of many honors that came to him absolutely unsought, and left him as shy and unaffected as if he had never earned such distinctions. His death has created a blank in the republic of science which it will not be easy to fill, and in his dual academic environment which cannot be filled at all. He was preeminently an altruistic and lovable man.

In recent years, Prof. Chamberlain has devoted much attention to the Indian languages of South America, and had just completed, a short time prior to his death, a survey of the languages of that continent, in which he reckoned eighty-three distinct families or language-stocks, each of which was subdivided into different branches which were related to each other like English and German, and yet were quite as unintelligible to those using them.

The brief article by him, on the Indians of Ontario, which appears on earlier pages of this volume, and which was contributed to the Society at its Annual Meeting in Chatham, September, 1913, accordingly has a pathetic interest, inasmuch as his death occurred while the book was passing through the press.