has no other employment than relieving the diftreffes which he daily encounters. In fober truth, diftrefs meets us every where; and it were to be wifhed that real life furnished characters, like thofe fo frequently depicted in novels; who, diftinguifhing deferving objects, could, with liberality, preferve that tenderness to the feelIngs of the parties befriended, which doubles every obligation.

This is a loofely printed meagre volume, published by fubfcription; and if it meets with approbation, another is forthcoming. N. Mifegug; or, Women as they are. A Chaldean Tale. Tranflated from the French. 12mo. 2 Vols. 58. fewed. Elliot and Kay.

Art. 44.

This writer, with more invention than delicacy, carries his hero through a series of adventures, in order to convince him, from experience, of the frailty of the female fex. The work is not one of thofe novels which we fhould recommend to our young readers, for the improvement of their morals.

POLITICAL.

Art. 45. British Common Senfe; or, Reflections on the prefent State of the British Nation, recommending a free, uninfluenced Reprefentation of the People, on the Ground of National Utility, and National Neceffity. 8vo. pp. 124. 2s. 6d. Miller. 1791. This writer has conceived the most unfavourable opinion of our prefent political ftate. He confiders the nation as labouring under the direful effects of an enormous profufion and wafte in the ex. pences of government; he is perfuaded that the public refources cannot long fupport the monftrous annual expenditure; and that nothing can fave us from national ruin, but a REFORMATION of thofe abufes which are here pointed out. If this does not speedily take place, the oppreffions of our manufacturers and labouring people will, he apprehends, foon drive our trade and commerce into France; whither they will be strongly invited, and tempted, by the happy confequences of the grand Revolution that has lately taken place in that renovated country.-On this alarming idea, he enlarges, not without much appearance of reafon and probability.

In taking a view of our financial adminiftration, the writer perceives, or thinks that he perceives, fuch an unjustifiable, profuse wafte of national treasure, on those establishments that may be termed neceffary to government; and, what is worfe, on establishments that fhall appear to be not barely unneceffary, but highly pernicious to the commonweal;- Nay, you will perceive the national wealth fquandered in a manner fo wantonly profufe, on purposes where even the perfonal ambition or avarice of government do not appear to be rationally concerned, as would induce the inspector to conclude, that the parties concerned in caufing this wafte did really confider national wealth, or affluence, to be the greatest human evil; which it was their duty, or otherwife their intereft, to prevent by all poffible means, and to get rid of as foon as poffible. And, when you fhail perceive all the various fums that are yearly drawn from this community, for these several purposes, collected into one total fum, that total fam will be found fo afto

nishingly

nishingly enormous, as will convince the most inconfiderate, that the prefent wasteful expenditure of its government cannot be long fupported by the refources of this State; even if they were to remain in their prefent flourishing fituation; whereas, there is not a truth more certain, or more obvious than this, that thele refources muft speedily feel a mighty diminution.

And, in proof of thefe affertions, it is farther intended to point out how, and by what means, many millions of the prefent expendi ture may be yearly faved to this community.'

Many readers, no doubt, will confider this as a gloomy picture, drawn with the pencil of exaggeration. Be this as it may, it will afford fome comfort to those who may think that there is too much truth in the refemblance to the original from which it has been drawn, when they find that, after all his ill tidings, and fearful boding, our political prophet does not yet despair of the commonwealth; and that he is provided with a preventive remedy for our national diseases,-if we will but attend to his advice, roufe from our prefent lethargy, and take good heed to our own fecurity.

Nor is this remedy,' fays he, a mystery, confined within the knowledge or power of a felect few-It is obvious to every eye, and readily within your own power. -Acquire that voice, that power, and share in your legislative government which, according to reafon, nature, and the due order of things, inherently appertains to you, and which felf-prefervation now calls loudly upon you to exercife: by means of a real actual representation of yourfelves; according to the only true, genuine, and natural fenfe, or fignification of that thing, Representation; which is, that the perfons, who are to represent you in your legiflature, fhall be chofen to that office by the free voices of all and every one of you who are to be reprefented; and by none other. And that thefe reprefentatives, when fo chofen and appointed, fhall not poffefs the power or opportunity to convert the truft committed by you to them, into a perfonal right of their own; but shall execute that truft under the full controul of you their constituents, and under no other controul or authority; by means of a perpetual obligation to recur frequently to your judgment of their conduct, by fresh elections, at short fixed periods.

Such a reprefentation of yourselves can alone fave and fecure you and your pofterity from ruin; and fuch a representation will do that effectually. For, reform of every one abuse in your government, will flow as naturally from fuch a reprefentation, as water flows from the full fountain. Whereas a fallacious, fictitious, or nominal representation never will reform one fingle evil or abuse; but, on the contrary, will only ferve to countenance and abet the actual government, in perpetuating and aggravating every present evil and abufe.'

On this important and highly interefting theme, the writer very earnestly expatiates, through a great part of his ample performance; and he offers many arguments in fupport of his reprefentations, which, certainly merit the public attention: if he is right, he has a juft claim on the gratitude of his country; if it mould, on a ferious

a ferious inveftigation, be found, that he has materially erred in his eftimates and conclufions, it will give us great fatisfaction to know that our fituation is better than he has imagined it to be.

In his view of the municipal government in England, our Reflector particularly confiders the state of the labouring Community,' defcribes their prefent (alledged) wretched condition, through the inattention of government; and points out the means of reforming their morals and manners, and thereby rendering them, what they undoubtedly ought to be, not only an honour to the nation, but its great fupport.

With refpect to his plan for a free and uninfluenced reprefentation of the people in parliament, we have not room to enter into particulars; and muft, therefore, content ourselves with recommending it to the attention of the public; as we would the fentiments of every competent and well-intending writer, on fubjects of fo much confequence to the profperity of our country.

There

be may extravagancies, or other defects, in our author's proposals *: but, let every thing of this kind, that is not wholly romantic, or chimerical, receive due attention. Something that is of falutary or ufeful tendency, may, perhaps, proceed from the fuggeftions of every reflecting mind, that has been fedulously employed on topics that can never be too freely, nor too frequently, difcuffed, by men of abilities, and public fpirit,

Toward the conclufion of this notable, and fomewhat fingular, treatife, we obferve a chapter on the origin and prefent ftate of the English government,' in which the principles of popular freedom, the falas populi, or whigifm, are mounted to the highest degree of the political barometer.

Should the writer be thought, from the boldness of fome expreffions, to have made too free with dignities, and adminiftrations, he endeavours to ward off the force of any imputations of that kind, by repeatedly declaring that crimination of government for paft mifdeeds, irritation, or diffention, is far from being the object of this address: prevention of future evils is its only aim.' Art. 46. The Danger of the Political Balance of Europe. Tranflated from the French of the King of Sweden; with a preliminary Dif courfe, and additional Notes. By the Right Hon. Lord MountCrown 8vo. pp. 229. Second Edition, corrected.

morres.

3s. 6d. Boards. Becket. 1791. Lord Mountmorres has here given a correct and improved edition of the above-mentioned work :-which we again recommend to fuch of our readers as may wish for information, with refpe&t to the prefent very interefting ftare of the political balance of power in EuOur account of the first edition of this tranflation may be rope. feen in the Review for January laft. We there took the liberty of hinting, to the noble tranflator, fome corrections of the language; most of which, it now appears, arose from the hurry with which that

*We pafs over fome little peculiarities, (we think Scotticisms,) in the language, as a circumftance of little moment, compared with the high importance of the main fubject.

edition

edition paffed through the prefs.-Lord Mountmorres has, very handfomely, admitted the juftice of our remarks, in his preliminary difcourfe. In return, we cannot but acknowlege his Lordship's candor and politeness.

Art. 47. Thoughts on the Canada Bill, now depending in Parliament. ένα pp. 50. 1s. 6d. Debrett. 1791.

In framing a conftitution for a people, their circumstances ought not only to be confidered, but also the expreffed wifhes that their circumstances dictate: nor ought we to forget, that whatever the old French colonists might think, when the laft Canada act was paffed, they must now be better acquainted with the principles of the British conftitution, as well as more attentive to the meafures purfued in their parent country, which has rifen to a diftinguished rank in the prefent annals of liberty; that the rest are British fubjects; and that both are in the neighbourhood of the republican United States of America.

This is a ferious and close examination of the depending bill, the policy of which is impeached under feveral particulars; as, the divifion of the province into two diftin& governments, the vague ftate of the laws, the formation of the legislative councils, the propofed introduction of hereditary honours in a growing commercial eftablishment, the power given to the governors in the appointment of the lower affemblies, the high qualification of the electors, the provifion for the Proteftant clergy, and the application of duties. The objections to the articles are urged with temper, and appear to merit attention.

N.

Art. 48. Addrefs to the Landed Intereft, on the Corn Bill now depending in Parliament. By Sir John Sinclair, Bart. M. P. 8vo. PP. 40. IS. Cadell. 1791.

Sir John Sinclair, whofe knowlege of political economy we have often remarked, obferves, that It is well known that the island of Great Britain, confidered as a corn country, may be divided into two districts: the Eaft coaft, which, from its fuperior drynefs, is favourable to the growth of grain; and the Weft coaft, which, from the wetness of the climate, is better calculated for palturage. The Eaft coaft is almost always able, not only to feed itfelf, bat to export confiderable quantities: while the Weft coaft is ever under the necefity of fending to other places for a fupply. Thus one part of the kingdom muft export, and the other muft import. At prefent, thefe two parts of the inland are under the neceffity of trading, for very oppofite purpofes, with other countries; inftead of which, would it not be better to encourage them to trade together, by granting a bounty upon the tranfportation of grain from the one

coaft to the other?

Such a plan feems to me founded equally on policy and juftice. If one diftrict of this ifland produces grain in abundance, and another is deficient, the difference of price fhould, to a certain extent, be paid by the community at large, and not by thofe un-fortunate diftricts, which, from natural difadvantages, are unable to raite as much grain as is neceflary for their confumption. It is

politic

politic that the kingdom fhould fupply itfelf fully, before any exportation to other countries is admitted. Every principle of justice requires that the price fhould be as much as poffible the fame over the whole kingdom, which by no other means can be effected. If the farmers of this country were thus affured of the whole home market, it would be of the utmost confequence to the public, by the encouragement afforded to agriculture. The whole kingdom would thus be put exactly upon the fame footing; and in confequence of that equality, no individual part of it could have any just cause of complaint. One diftrict would thus be furnished with a conftant market for its commodities, and the other with a regular supply of food. The expence which fuch a plan might occafion, would be laid out for the purpofe of encouraging our own agriculture in that part of the kingdom where it ought to be particularly attended to, and of feeding our own people in thofe parts of the country where the climate difables them from raifing their food in fufficient abundance. The expence of this bounty on transportation, under proper. regulations, could not be confiderable *; and, at any rate, it would tend to promote the navigation of the country .'

Sir John treats the fuppofed inability of this country to fupply itself with grain, and the measures in view to encourage a regular importation, as dangerous abfurdities, which a judicious regulation of the bounties on exportation would effectually cure; and he prefers the old fyftem of prices and bounties, that was fuccefsfully adopted from 1689 to 1774, to the new fyftem fince followed, which he affirms to have miferably failed. The intended meafure of warehousing foreign grain, to be ready against emergencies, he reprobates as big with mifchief; by fubjecting the farmer to the power of the merchant, and both occafionally to the mercy of riotous mobs. N.

Art. 49. A Letter to the Right Hon. Edmund Burke, Efq. from a Disenting Country Attorney; in defence of his Civil Profeffion, and Religious Diffent. 8vo. pp. 150. 2s. 6d. Johnfon. 1791. Without touching on any of the great questions of general politics, either as they refpect England or France, this country attorney, (who informs us that he was bred a churchman, and became a diffenter on principle,) confines himself wholly to the fubjects mentioned in his title-page. He vindicates himself, and his profeffional and religious brethren, with ability. What he fays of his own perfonal character and conduct, we are willing to believe; because it

A coafting bounty of 25. per quarter for wheat, and is. for barley and oats, is all that would be neceffary, at which rate 500,000 quarters of wheat, and 1,000,000 quarters of barley and cats carried coaft-wife, would only require from the public 100,000l. The greater part of which fum might otherwife be demanded as a bounty for exporting a part of the fame grain to foreign countries.'

+Such an idea, (Sir John obferves in another place,) is rather new in this country, yet has been fuccefsfully tried in Ireland, and is, to my conviction, the only regulation, that is now likely to be wanting in order to bring our corn laws to perfection.' P. 38.