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'The latter alone could, according to law, direct tha execution; the copies were not yet made—they would occupy a considerable portion of the day.' (If the copies, which could be made' by twenty clerks, were to occupy a considerable portion of the day, now could all the originals have been written by one hand in an hour?) ""On rhy return to Paris I should have waited on the governor,—on the first consul—who knows? But all of a sudden this terrific' explosion informed us that the prince was no more.

'We know not whether Ne (Savary) who thus hurried on this dreadful execution had orders for doing so.—If he had not, he alone is responsible; if he had, the court, which knew nothing of these orders,which itself was kept in confinement, (an open court!J the court, whose last resolution was in favour of the prince, could neither foresee nor prevent the catastrophe.'—Explic. p. 12. 14.

Without dwelling on General Hulin's defence of his own share in the fatal preliminaries, it is quite clear that Tne Man behind the chair was the immediate murderer; and that this Man was the: same Savary who affects to deplore that the duke was put to death by mistake; and who accuses M. de Talleyrand of having hastened the execution, and of having suppressed a letter that might have led to mercy! We want language—we should rather say—no language is necessary to express the horror of every honest mind at such bloody duplicity.

But M. Savary had not yet finished his task—the grave, indeed, was ready—it had been dug before the trial—the duke.was condemned—the road to mercy was shut,—but he was still alive! no warrant had been given—no time was appointed for the execution.

'Morning approached,' says M. Dupin, ' and Buonaparte would not' permit Paris to learn, on awaking, that a prince of the house of Bourbon was in its neighbourhood and alive, even though he was in the dungeon of Vincennes.'—Pieces Hist. p. 30.

What passed in the three dark hours which elapsed between the sentence and the execution is buried in the graves of the' Bourbon and Buonaparte, and in the heart of M. Savary. One thing alone is certain—that, as at his trial, he was deprived of what the law expressly allowed, a legal adviser, so in his agony he was denied what never was before refused—the consolations of religion. By what warrant, he was, in defiance of the general law and of the individual sentence itself, executed so suddenly, we cannot, as we have already stated, discover. General Hulin, as we have shown, knows no more than we do. But, M. Savary commanded! His account of the crisis is as follows:

'The court deliberated a long time; it was not till two hours after the room was cleared that the sentence was known.

'The officer who commanded the infantry of my regiment came with

deep deep emotion to tell me, that a party was required to execute the sentence—I answered, Give It.'Memoirs, p. 30.

Nothing in the whole pamphlet has excited so much mdignation in France, as the cold-blooded laconism of this answer— "give It"—these two dry words were, as far as we are informed, the only death-warrant of the descendant of so many kings and of so many heroes.

The trial, as we have seen, had been fair—the court open—the execution too was public. He was shot between five and six o'clock in the morning of a foggy 21st of March, in the ditch of the fortress, about fourteen feet below the level of the ground! M. Savary, who confesses nothing else, admits that he designated the spot—the reasons of his choice are admirable!

'" Where shall the party of execution be placed ?" asked the officer— "where," I answered, "you can hurt nobody ;" for already the inhabitants of the populous neighbourhood of Paris were proceeding along the roads to the several markets.'—Memoirs, p. 30.

O the tender heart of M. Savary—his dearest anxiety is not to hurt an innocent person! but, unfortunately for this pretence, every inhabitant of Paris knows, that no road passes within a mile of the front of the castle; and still more unfortunately, the grave had been dug on the spot early the preceding evening, while the unconscious victim was at supper. M. Savary says the grave was dug between the sentence and execution; better evidence gives the fact as we have stated it; but whensoever dug, if dug before the execution, it contradicts M. Savary's story. But M. Savary tells us a more important and affecting circumstance—it was not till he was brought down the back stairs suddenly into the ditch, that the prince heard his sentence—they had ingeniously managed this agreeable surprise for him—-the sentence was, at the same minute, read and executed. For this refinement of atrocity we were quite unprepared; but it must be admitted, that it is the natural climax of this dreadful series of barbarity.

Another circumstance, though of less importance, is too curious to be passed over. Savary tells us that Buonaparte did not intend that the duke should have been shot that night—nay, that it was done without his knowledge; and the proof he gives of this extravagant assertion is, that he, Savary, on returning to town after the execution, met the privy counsellor Real going leisurely down to Vincennes to examine the prisoner. If the fact were true, it would prove no more than that Buonaparte did not acquaint Real that the duke was to be murdered that night. But it seems that even this worthless fact is not true; for Mehee de la Touche, who was deeply, and we must add disgracefully, implicated plicated in the whole affair, attests, on his own evidence, and, what is better, upon that of all Real's servants and clerks, that on that never-to-be-forgotten day, Real did not leave his own house till the afternoon, and was consequently not to be met near Vincennes at seven o'clock in the morning. We have some little curiosity (though the fact itself be of no value) to see what Savary will say to this direct contradiction.

Let us now, in justice to M. Savary, state that his defence is in two points successful; he proves that he did not fasten a lantern to the prince's breast, as a mark for the executioners—but, admitting this, we must add that no one, to our knowledge, ever said thai he did. We have, indeed, seen it asserted that the prince himself had so fixed the lantern—he may have clone so—there was, M. Savary confesses, a lantern in the ditch, and such an act would be consistent with the whole of the modest yet intrepid conduct of the duke; but certainly M. Savary did not go down into the ditch to fix the lantern; he stood ou the parapet and only commanded the troops who fired at the bosom of the victim, which M. Savary evidently thinks is less horrid than firing at a lantern!

He defends himself also successfully against another imputation, which we never before heard of, his having stolen the prince's watch; ' Is it possible,' he indignantly asks, 'that any one can suspect me, a general in the French army, a minister of state, of having stolen a watch?' We readily answer—no; and we are not the less slow in this acquittal from a fact stated by ourselves so long ago as July, 1817, namely, that when the body of the illustrious victim was, in 1816, removed for Christian burial from the ditch in which M. Savary had huddled it, his watch was found. No ; M. Savary only took his life—his watch he spared.

The horror of all the rest of this melancholy detail stifles the ridicule which the disproval of these two fancied accusations would have otherwise excited; and the result of the whole discussion is, that M. Savary has confirmed not only all that he was suspected of, but a great deal more; and that he has disproved nothing but two contemptible circumstances of which he had never been accused.

INDEX INDEX

TO THE

TWENTY-NINTH VOLUME Of The QUARTERLY
REVIEW.

A.

Adams (Capt. John), Sketchesof Ten Voy-
ages to Africa, 508—remarks thereon, ib.
509.

Africa, account of researches in the inte-
rior of, 509—523.

Agriculture, miserable state of, among the
Crlm-Tartars, 135.

Albion, settlement of, notice of, 364, 365.

Alia Bhye, interesting anecdotes of, 390,
391.

America, Indians of, of Tartar origin, 13—
remarks on their character, 15—particu-
larly of the Kaskaya Indians or Bad-
hearts, 24—bombastic eulogy on, 338—
specimen of American honesty, 341—
present state of Boston, ib.—of society
and slavery at Charleston, 343, 344—
and at Baltimore,345, 346—description
of Washington, 346,347—salutary infor-
mation for emigrants to this country,
347, 348—distresses of English emi
grants, 356. 363, 363, 364. 366. 369,
370—-slave-flogging, at Washington, by
ladies, 354—aristocracy growing up in
America, 355—precious samples of Ame-
rican law and justice, 356—358, 359,
360—present state of Lexington, 359-—
price of land in the back settlements, 360
—state of the country between Vin-
oennes and Princeton, 361—and of Birk-
beck's settlement, 364, 365—insalubrity
of the newly-settled countries, 367, 368
—condition of the American people, 368
—effects of the total neglect of religion,
369.

Andocides, the orator, character and misfor-
tunes of, 323—notice of Lysias's speech
against him, 324—and of his defence,
326.

Andrewes (Bishop), style of, 299.

Aranjuez, account of the Spanish insurrec-
tion at, 63.

Aristogeiton, oration of Hyperides against,
analysed, wilh remarks, 334—337.

Arkansas, river, course of, 22, 23—exube-
rant produce of native vines in its valley,
23, 24.

Arnault (M.), Regulus, TragSdie, 25—re-
mark on it, 52—and on the author's pre-
ceding tragedies, 49 — particularly hu
Marios and Lucerce, 49, 50.

Athens, state of, after the battle of Clue-
ronea, 321, 322—character of an Athe- V
nian dkast, 314, 315.

Aurungzebe, bigoted conduct of, 387.

Autos da Fe, account of two, at Valladolid^ V
252—256. N

Avars, irruptions of, into Europe, 118.
B.

Bacon (Friar), account of the philosophy

of, 465—468.
Bank restriction, effects of, 239.
Barrow's Sermons, character of, 301.
Benefices, number of, in England and

Wales, 554—and in whose patronage, ib.

555—average income of each benefice,

557.

Bhats, or bards of the Rajpoots, notice of,
393.

Bheels, a native tribe of central India, no-
tice of, 394—396.
Bilma, a town in the interior of Africa,

notice of, 511.
Birkbeck's settlement,account of, 364, 365.
Birnie, account of the sultan of, 514—po-
pulation of that place, 522.
Bishops of the Church of England, re-
marks on the income of, 559.
Blair's Sermons, style of, 303.
Blood, curious magical charm for staunch-
ing, 455.
Boiling spring, notice of, 22.
Books (new), lists of, 277.
Boumou, a kingdom in the interior of Afri-
ca, population of, 522, 523—account of
the great lake of Boumou, 511, 512.520,
521—notice of the principal towns, 511,
522, 523—anecdotes of ihe Sheik, 513
—and of the sultan, 514.
British tin aire, evil influeuce of French

unities on, 421, 423.
Browne (Mr. Hamilton), perfidious conduct
of, towards his benefactor, Sir Thomas
Maitland, 89.
Buckland (Rev. Win.) Reliquiae Diluvianrc,

138—importance of his geological lec-
tures, 146—notice of his distribution of
the proofs of the deluge, 147—first, ac-
count of the appearances of caves and
fissures of rocks, containing fossilized
remains of animals, 147—particularly of
the Kirkdale cave, ib. 151, 152—of other
caves in different parts of England, 147
—classification of the animal remains
found therein, 148—contents of the cave
at Kiihlocb, in Germany, 149.—Se-
condly, evidences of the deluge derived
from diluvial beds of loam and gravel,
containing animal remains, 152—154—
remains of elephants found in various
parts of England, 152—and of other ani-
mals in different parts of the world, 155
—particularly the loftiest mountains of
America and of Central India, 155, 156.
Thirdly, the evidence derived from vallies
of denudation, 156—points established
by his researches, 156—158—remarks
on the crude speculations of some geolo-
gists, to account for the deluge, 158—
161—the Mosaic account of the deluge,
161, 162—on the interpretation of the
word ' day,' in the first chapter of Ge-
nesis, 163—importance of introducing
proofs of providential design into scien-
tific lectures, 165.

Buonaparte, perfidious measures of, to ob-
tain possession of Portugal, 55, 56-—
sends an army into Spain, 60—contrives
to get the Spanish royal family into his
custody in France, 65—67—his forces
occupy Madrid under Murat, 68—mas-
sacre of the Spaniards, 69—intrudes Jo-
seph Buonaparte into the throne, 7G\—
simultaneous rising in the provinces
against the French, 71, 72—their dif-
ficult situation in Catalonia, 73—com-
pelled to raise the sieges of Valencia, 74
—and of Zaragoza, 75—77—surrender
of the French army under General Du-
pont, 78—the French evacuate Madrid,
79—defeat of Buonaparte's army under
Junot, in Portugal, 80—82—which
country he is obliged, by convention, to
give up to the English forces under Sir
Arthur Wellesley, 82, 83—refutation of
gavary's attempt to exculpate Buona-
parte from the charge of murdering the
Duke d'Enghien, 557—572—examina-
tion of the mock trial, 572—580.

Burnet's (Bishop) History of his Own
- Time, with notes, 165—character of the
suppressed passages, 166—specimens of
Dean Swift's notes on Burnet, 166—168
—character of Lord Dartmouth's notes,
168, 169—their severity accounted for,
169—villainous remark of Curjmugham

VOL. XXIX. NO. LVIII Q Q

on Burnet, 169—real value of his history,

170—judicious strictures on it by the
Rev. Dr. Routh, 170—172—the first
portion of Burnet's History, why the
most important, 172—triumphal restora-
tion of Charles II. 172, 173—reflection
on the subsequently disgraceful events of
his reign, 174—noble speech of the Earl
of Bristol, on passing the indemnity act,
175, 176—Lord Clarendon's observa-
tions on that measure, 176,177—causes
of the vices of the cavaliers, 178—condi-.
tion of the English people before, during,
and subsequently to the rebellion, 179
—why Charles II. was favourable to
popery, 183, 184—circumstances that
favoured the dissoluteness of manners in-
troduced after his restoration, 185—189.
—intrigues for dissolving the marriage of
James II. with his wife, 190—193—rur-
gociatious for marrying Charles II. to
the princess of Portugal, 194—196—his
conduct to her, 197—remarks on his dis-
position towards the Roman Catholics,
198, 199—credulity of the nation with
regard to Oats's plot, 199, 200—dupli-
city of Charles II.'s policy, 803, 204—
causes of the agitations of James II.'s
reign, 204,205—effects of the profligacy
of Charles II. and his court on the lite-
rature of England, 206—809—how coun-
teracted, 210—213—character of Bishop
Burnet, as a preacher, 210, 211.
C.

Campbell (Augustus), Appeal on behalf of
the Church of England, 324, See Clergy.
Carlos. See Don Carlos.
Carolina, state of society at, 342, 343—
cruel treatment of slaves and people of
colour by the Carolinians, 343, 344.
Catcott's Theory of the Deluge, remarks

on, 139,140.
Cattle, number of, sold at Smithfield be-
tween 1819 and 1822. 318.
Cavaliers, causes of the vices of, 178.
Charles L reflection on the murder of, 17f
—his unhappy marriage with Henrietta
of, 181—his charge to his sou, 182—
reflection of, on the outrageous conduct
of the Puritans, 183.
Charles II, triumphant restoration of,
173—subsequent disgraceful event* of
his reign, 174—why he was favourable to
popery, 183,184— the dissoluteness of
morals that followed his restoration ac-
counted fur, 185—189—irjfluenc/e of the
profligacy of Charles lit and bis court,
on the literature of England, 206—jJ09
—how counteracted, 209—213—nego-
ciations for marrying him to the princess
of Portugal, 194—196—his pwdfiBt to

her,

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