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of knowledge, by loading the press, the colleges, and even an almanack and a news paper, with restraints and duties; and to introduce the inequalities and dependances of the feudal fyftem, by taking from the poorer fort of people all their little fubfiftence, and conferring it on a set of stamp officers, distributors, and their deputies.-But I must proceed no further at present.-The sequel, whenever I shall find health and leisure to pursue it, will be a " disquisition of the policy of the framp ad.”-In the mean time, however, let me add, these are not the vapours of a melancholy inind, nor the effusions of envy, disappointed ambition, nor of a spirit of opposition to government; but the emanations of an heart that burns for its country's welfare. No one of any feeling, born and educated in this once happy country, can consider the numerous distreffes, the gross indignities, the barbarous ignorance, the haughty usurpations, that we have reason to fear are meditating for curselves, our children, our neighbours, in short, for all our countrymen and all their posterity, without the utmost agonies of heart, and many tears.'

T'here is too great reason for believing that Mr. Gridley fpeaks the language of the house of New England representatives ; and if so, the public here cannot be surprised if the most vigorous measures are executed, to reduce them to their duty and dependence on the legislature of Great Britain,

13. Remarks on the Riot At, with an Application to cetiain recent

and alarming Fals. 8vo. . Pr. Is. 6d. Kearsly. These Remarks contain little more than an abuse of lawyers, and a few filly observations upon an account published under the title of “ A sketch of Mr. Gillam's trial,” with which the public is well acquainted. • The justification, says our Remarker, of measures fo universally detested, and so avowedly unconftitutional, is founded principally on the Riot Act; in the construction of which our lawyers appear to have deviated fo far from common sense and common humanity, that I even shudder to enter upon an exainination of the proofs of their infenfibility.'

From this declaration the reader may form fome idea of this writer's moderation as well as modesty. As to the Sketch he attacks, he is under the greatest obligations to its author, (who we think has drawn it up with truth, candour, and perfpicuity). because it has enabled him to pat price one fisilling and Jix-pence under the title of his pamphlet, though at the expence pi common sense and decency.

14. A Shimano 14. A Short Examination into the Conduct of Lord M--d, through the Affair of Mr. Wilkes. 8vo. Pr. 6d. Steare.

This verbose writer first rails at ministers and despotilin then calls Mr. Wilkes a phoenix arising from the rubbish of the last parliament, and his North-Britons a Pandora's box; which he opened with such ungoverned vehemence, that all its mischief few about his own head. He next compares him to Mr. Locke, and afterwards to the methodist preachers, who rant out their divinity with so much fury, that they sube vert it into blasphemy. He then proceeds to justify the conduct of the noble lord mentioned in his title-page, in a manner which we doubt not will make his lordship blush.

15. The Court of Star Chamber, or seat of Oppreffion. 8vo.

Pr. 6d. Steare. This pamphlet contains little more than fome stale reflections upon the deteitable court of Star Chamber, and certain insinua. tions as if some attempts had lately been made to revive its power. Among other figures of speech made use of by the writer, he calls Magna Charta the English Alcoran. The whole is a pitiful and fuperficial performance.

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16. A Second Letter to the Right Honourable the Earl Tin which the proceedings relative to

JW- -s, from March 28th to June 181h, are minutely considered; the Perfor clearly pointed out who was the Cause of the present Diftractions ; and a Curious Anecdote with regard to Lord M

d's Family, hever published before. 8vo.

Pr, is.

Henderson. This is a wretched collection of fa&ts already known or publifhed, with reflections and advices by a felf-important fcribbler.

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17. Libertin Chaftised: or Patriotism in Chains. A Tragi, Comit,

Political Färce, as it was performed by his M-'s sms, the Tear 1268'; which exhibits to the Public a View of the Ope préffions under whicb Liberty groaned, during a moft flagitious An in that weak Rog; represented in the Cbardelers of Botch, Grapnel, 'Mansupple, Chatwell, and Almagnia, &c. Scenes near the P and in St. Gregoir's Fields. Modernised by Paul Tell-Truth, Esq. 8vo. Pr. is. Sterre.

This is the most illiberal and dull abuse of some of the most respectable names in England, that we have had the misfore tune to review,

18. A Let

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18. A Letter to his Grace the Duke of Graston, on the present Situation of Public Affairs, 8vo.

Almon. This Letter is written by no vulgar hand, and thews an uncommon degree of acquaintance with the present state of parties in this kingdom, We cannot, however, agree with the author's principles of government, as if the distinction between the parties of Whig and Tory, while real, was of fervice to the kingdom; and that opposition, is a necessary agent in our political system, which never can move properly under a general coalition of parties.

The author fays, that · Mr. Pitt made it his boast, though very falsely, that, under his administration, all distinction of parties was, for the first time, abolished.'

He thinks that, had his assertion been true, it would have done no service to his country; and that it was the circumstances of the times (meaning those attending the late war) which produced that general acquiescence with which his measures were received. We shall not at all question the operation of those circumftances towards a coalition of parties ; but we are old enough to remember when such a coalition did exist without those circumstances; we mean, in the two or three last years of Mr.' Pelham's administration,

This writer then proceeds to consider the national debt, and the state of the colonies; and he talks to the noble personage to whom his Letter is addressed, in the very fame strain upon the first subje t that was made use of in Sir Robert Walpole's time, and has been adopted ever since. He speaks of temporary expedients and contracted measures, and expatiates upon the extensive abilities which a minister at the head of the finances ought to pofféfs...." The ordinary routine' of office (fays he) is not made for the present conjunéture.--A real effectual economy, and a regard to the burthens with which commerce is oppressed, will be no less his care than the annual reduction of a part of this debt.' All this is true ; but has any minister that the king kas named, or any that he can name, an assurance of the house of commons, we will not say for, one feflion, but for one week ? The earl of Oxford was lord high treasurer at the end of queen Anne's reign, when the national debt did not amount to above fifty millions. Perhaps it amounted to seventy-fix when Sir Robert Walpole. was premier. But how, different was their situation to that of the duke of Grafton, who presides at the treasury-board at a time when the interests and views of public creditors are not calcủlable? The two great ministers above-mentioned had an easy, province to manage, compared to that of his grace.


As to the affairs of the colonies, we think the letter-writer has left them in the same state he found them, as he does those of Mr. Wilkes ; and the sum of his performance is, that his grace of Grafton ought immediately to resign his high post to one of the author's friends or patrons, who is not named, 19. The Groans of Old England: By a Plain Dealer. 8vo. Pr. 15,

Steare. We are strangly tempted in reviewing this pamphlet to reeccho groan for groan. It seems to be a republication of some dull invectives against Hanover, during the national outcry against that electorate; for the author lys, That the strength of the nation, which ought to be employed in our own quarrels, is exhausted for the sake of dominions, the interest of which has no connection with ours; at the same time that the parliament, when they gave this family the throne, took care to separate from the British kingdoms; but what their care has benefited us, our daily experience plainly declares.'

The above quotation will sufficiently evince the writer's information, and his acquaintance with the present state of England. After going through all the common-place complaints of the hungry fons of Old England, he concludes with a proposal for putting the College of Physicians and the liberty of the press under the regulation of licencers. 20. Liberty: A Poem. Infcribed to John Wilkes, Esq. 410. Pr.

is. Flexney. We have had so many poems of late concerning W’ilkes and Liberty, that we sometimes send them back to our printer, imagining that we have reviewed them before. This was the case with the performance before us; and we can only say, that it is

See saw see

Saw see see. 21. One thousand, Seven Hundred, Sixty-Eight: or Paft 12 o'Clock,

and a cloudy Morning. Canto 1. 410. Pr. Is. Bingley. This rhymfter might deserve some particular notice on account of his versification, had his fatire itruck into any new walk of poetry, or animadverfion upon public affairs. Some part of his verses are personal; but as in many paffages we do not understand them, we presume he was loit in his own cloudy morning 22. Serious Refle&tions on the High Price of Provisions. With a

Proposal for a Permanent Remedy, by giving an Additional Encouragement to Agriculture. 8vo.

Durham. Shall we never have done with serious reflections upon, and candid enquiries into, this disagreeable subject ? and must we be


Pr. Is.

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perpetually condemned to review the fallibility of infallible re'medies for the same? We cannot, however, conceal, that this author writes like a man of sense, and that his reflections are plausible and pertinent. The only original part of his pam, phlet, however, is his proposal, which we shall lay before the reader.

. I propose, that all the gentlemen, proprietors of lands, and farmers in every county throughout England, should assemble at some convenient place, and fix upon the number of labourers which each person can employ during the year, or the greatest part of the year. They are, likewise, to regulate the price of labour upon a reasonable footing, according to the custom of the county before the commencement of the late war, or aş prudence shall direct them. Having settled these matters, they are then to allot upon the commons nearest to the estates and farins where labourers are wanted, a piece of ground for each, on which a house is to be built, at the public expence, for his reception; and he, in consideration of his house, and lot of land, is to accept, for the future, of the regulated wages of the county, as the price of his labour. I do not pretend to determine the exact quantity of land of which a lot should con. fift; it will, no doubt, depend upon the nature of the soil; but it should be, at least, sufficient for a good kitchen-garden ; and if there 'were enough to maintain a cow, it would be fo much the better. There should, however, be no more; for I mean, that it should not be so large as to enable him to live upon it, and quit the profession of a labourer.

The lot is to descend from father to fon, or to the daughter and her husband, provided always that the successor accept of it on the terms prescribed by law. Care must be taken that two lots may never be united; and when a man acquires a fortune which puts him in a condition of leaving this way of life; or when his inclination leads him to change it for another more agreeable to him; in short, whatever his motive may be, he should always be at liberty to resign his lot to the county ; or he may be indulged with a power of substituting his son, or any other relation, in his stead, according to some settled form.

! He is to keep his house in repair, and must be always ready to be hired, as labourers are at present supposed to be; only with this difference, that his wages are fixed by law, and cannot vary. Any neighbouring justice of the peace, upon a complaint being made of his refusing to work, ihall have the power of reprimanding him: if he thould still continue idle, he may be brought before the justices at the quarter fellions, who shall admonish him publicly; and upon his preving incorțigible,

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