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Dormer, who had seen her at a distance, and was enamoured of her person. This gentleman lived as a companion with the son of Sir Harry Blossom, a whimsical knight, and married to a lady of the fame disposition, but friendly, generous, and rich. The son's character resembled those of his parents ; and his life having been saved abroad by Mr. Dormer, who had no fortune of his own, he prevailed upon his father to give his companion a draught upon the Bank for ten thousand pounds. By this time, Miss Bamsted having visited Sir Harry with Mrs. Haynes, a reciprocal passion grows up between her and Mr. Dormer, who is relieved from the anxiety he felt about his circumstances by the knight's noble present. Upon paying a visit to Mrs. Haynes's family, be is thunderstruck when he understands that Miss Bamsted's father had carried her away. Mrs. Haynes receives a letter from Mrs. Bamsted, acquainting her that her husband did not disapprove of Dormer for a son-in-law.
Dormer goes privately in search of his mistress; and in this situation are things at the opening of the second volume. From fome ambiguous words dropt by Mr. Bamsted, Mr. Shipton offers to take his daughter without a thilling; but while preparations are making for the wedding, the young lady drops down, to all appearance, dead. The reader will easily conceive that the recovers, and that Mr. Dormer is loitering in the very farm-house where Mrs. Morton had been lodged by Mrs. Barnsted. Upon receiving the account of Miss Bamsted's intended marriage and real illness, he discovers himself to his landlady, Mrs. Woodly, to be Almeria's (that is, Miss Bamfted's) lover; and the communicates the discovery to Mrs. Morton, who undertakes to pay a visit in his favour to Mrs. Bamsted. Dormer happens to fall in company with Mr. Bamsted at Mr. Shipton's house, and the latter informs him that he had prevailed with Mr. Bamfted to consent that his daughter should marry Mr. Dormer, to whose perfon he is an en. stranger. In leaving Mr. Shipton's house, Dormer finds Mr. Bamited lying at the foot of a tree in an apoplectic or. Lame other fit, and gives intelligence of it to his wife and domestics time enough for the carrying hima home, where he recovered. Dormer, at his return to Mrs. Woodly's, found that Mrs. Morton had been successful in her negociation : but what was his furprise, when he found his own mather in the person of that lady! He relates to her, his adventures among the subfians who had carried him off; how he had been obliged to turn pirate; how he escaped from that infernal.crew, and artived in France, where he met with a great deal of good and bad usage,
Mr. Bamsted,' after his recovery, treated with Mr. Dormer, now Morton, about his marrying his daughter. The reader can entertain no doubt, after this, that floods of love, happiness, and wealth break in upon young Morton ; who is foon in such opulent circumftances by the appearance of his father, who is reconciled to his mother, that he is enabled to return Sir Harry his draught for ten thousand pounds; and then he marries his Almeria.
We have already observed, that the story of this novel is fimple and uniform ; we shall only add, that it has no immoral tendency, unless there is a deficiency of poetical justice with regard to our hero's father.
MONTHLY CATALOGUE. 11. Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania, to the Inhabitants of
the British Colonies. 8vo. Pr. 25. Almon. HE author of these Letters, which are generally ascribed
to one Mr. Dickenson, tells us, that he has had a liberal education, and has been engaged in the busy scenes of life; that his affairs are easy; that he has money at interest; that he has a library, with some friends who are gentlemen of abilities
and learning; and that he believes he has acquired a greater knowledge in history, the laws and constitutions of his country, than is generally obtained by men of his class.
Thus much Mr. Dickenson says for himfelf; but without impeaching his veracity, we cannot help thinking that he would have proved a much better member of society, had he never learned either to read or write. · The work before us is feditious in its principles, fuperficial in its execution, and tending to the perdition of the country for which the author is so furious an advocate. People on this fide the Atlantic ocean, of generous benevolent difpofitions, imagined that our American tellow-fubjects, when indulged with a repeal of the ftamp-act, would rather exceed than fall short in their exprefsions of duty and gratitude to their mother country. The publication before us proves the reverse to be the case. It has been adopted, if we are rightly informed, as the political creed of North America ; and whatever fulsome, unmeaning compli-ments the author may pay to the legislature of Great Britain, yet his arguments, when stated in the true point of light, tend to prove that the North Americans are as independent upon this country as the Moors, Tartars, or Chinese. We may even venture to go farther (and we can appeal to the evi
dence of the common sense of those who read his pamphlet for the truth of what we aflert), by saying his real meaning is, that Great Britain is dependent upon her colonies.
The letter writer sets out with arraigning an act of the British parliament, as being as injurious in its principles to the liberties of the colonies as the stamp-act was; meaning the act for suspending the legislation of New York. This suspension, he says, is pernicious to American freedom, and justly alarming to all the colonies. Speaking of the act about making provisions for American troops, The affembly of New York (says he) either had, op had not, a right to refuse submission to that act. If they had, and I imagine no American will say they had not, then the parliament had no right to compel them to execute it. If they had not ibis right, they had no right to punish them for not executing it ; and therefore no righi to suspend their legislation, which is a punishment. In fact, if the people of New York cannot be legally taxed but by their own representatives, they eannot be legally deprived of the privilege of making laws, only for insisting on that exclusive privilege of taxation. If they may be legally deprived in such a case, of the privilege of making laws, why may they not, with equal reason, be deprived of every other privilege? Or why may not every colony be treated in the same manner, when any of them shall dare to deny their affent to any impositions, that shall be directed ? Or what signifies the repeal of the fiamp act, if these colonies are to lose their other privileges, by not tamely surrendering that of taxation.'
This is a kind of logic which, we will venture to say, amounts to neither more nor less than that Great Britain has no coercive power over her American colonies. :
That the writer's meaning may not be misunderstood, as if he was piddling at the prerogative, or any set of men, ministers or courtiers, on this fide the water, he bravely throws off the mark, and declares war against the British legislature itself. • The crown might have reitrained the governor of New York, even from calling the affeinbly together, by its prerogative in the royal governments. This step, I suppose, would have been taken, if the conduct of the assembly of New-York had been regarded as an act of difobedience 19 the crotun, alone ; but it is regarded as an act of “disobedience to the authority of the BRITISH LEGISLATURE.' This gives the fufpenfion a consequence vastly more affecting. It is a parliamen-aryaffertion of the fupreme authority of the British legislature over these colonies in the puint of taxation, and is intended to compeL New-York into a submission to that authority.' In his second letter Mr. Dickenson next says, that the co
lonies are as much dependent on Great Britain, as a perfectly free people can be on another. Here we believe he has spoken the real sense of too many of his countrymen; tho' it is either nonsense in terms, or implies that our colonies are entirely in dependent; for how can a perfectly free people depend upon another ? In this letter the author attacks the act for granting duties on paper, glass, &c. and evidently proves, if it proves any thing, that Great Britain depends upon her colonies, because she has no power to impofe a tax upon those manufactures of her own which are exported to America.
• Here then (says he) my dear countrymen, ROUSE yourselves, and behold the ruin hanging over your heads. If you ONCE admit, that Great Britain may lay duties upon her exportations to us, for the purpose of levying money' on us only, she then will have nothing to do, but to lay those duties on the articles which the prohibits us to manufacture--and the tragedy of American liberty is finished.'
This reasoning is the more curious, as the letter writer all along admits that the manufactures of glass and paper are not prohibited in North America. The remaining letters of this publication tend to prove the wisdom and necessity of the Americans taking arms, rather than subject themselves to the operation of any British act of parliament. We shall not be at all surprized, if this author and his fellow-labourers in the vineyard of fedition, should insist upon the repeal of the navigation act; for if any one of Mr. Dickenson's arguments are valid, it will hold perhaps more strongly against that act than any which has been made fince: for when analyzed, it will be found to lay the severest tax that ever was iimposed upon the produce and commerce of our American colonies. But tho' the inhabitants of that continent refuse to be good subjc&ts, we hope they do not disdain being honest men. Let the mother-country draw out her account since their first settlement in America, and let us see whether the fee fimple of all their poffeffions in America can repay her.
12. The True Sentiments of America : contained in a Collection of
Letters fent from the House of Representatives of the Province of Massachusett's-Bay to foveral Persons of High Rank in this Kingdom : rogether with certain Papers relating to a supposed Libel on the Governor of that Province, and a Dissertation on the Canon and the Feudal Law. 8vo. Pr. 25, 6d. Alnion.
This (if we mistake not) is a republication of papers origi. nally printed in America ; and the whole composes a most daring insult upon the Britih legidature. How far or in what manger his majesty and his ministers may answer the doctrine
of its contents, which is neither more nor less than a bold dif ayowal of all dependence of our American colonies upon the mother-country, becomes not us to say.
The libel inentioned in the title page relates to governor Bernard, and was printed in the Boston Gazette, February 29, 1768. The reader, from the following transaction, may forin some idea of the decency as well as loyalty of the Bostoni
for in England a grand jury could not have hesitated a m ment in presenting it as an incendiary letter, The governor, by advice of the council (who behaved with great duty and affection to hiin, as being invested with his majesty's authority) laid it before the house of r.presentatives, as being carried to a length which, if unnoticed, must endanger the viry being of government.' That sagacious assembly, upon a division of fifty-fix to eighteen, were of a contrary opinion, and refused to take any notice of it, as the grand jury did to present it as a libel. The rest of their proceedings were of a piece ; and, if we are not misinformed, they continue to be such as threaten a difsolution of all connections between Old and New England.
The Differtation mentioned likewise in the title, is said to have been written by Jeremy Gridley, Esq; attorney-general of the province of Massachusett's-Bay, member of the general court, colonel of the first regiment of inilitia, president of the marine fociety, and grand master of the Free masons, who died at Boston September 7, 1767.
Mr. Gridley, in this Differtation, treats the canon and feudal law as the off-pring of all tyranny, the dread of which drove the Bostonians into the wilds of Ainerica. The whole performance is a flimsy but lively rhapsody, and concludes as follows:
• The first step that is intended seems to be an entire subversion of the whole system of our fathers, by the introduction of the canon and feudal law into America. The can n and feudal fyftems, though greatly mutilated in England, are not yet destroyed. Like the temples and palaces, in which the great cont ivers of them once worshipped and inhabited, they exist in ruins; and much of the domineering spirit of them still remains. The designs and labours of a certain fociety, to introduce the former of them into America, have been well exposed to the public by a writer of great abilities, [tbe late Rev. Dr Mayhew] and the further attempts to the fame pure pose that may be made by that fociety, or by the ministry or parliament, I leave to the conjectures of the thoughtful.But it seems very manifest.from the st-pa-r itself, that a design is formed to strip us in a great measure of the means Vo:. XXVI. July, 1768.