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the groffeft darkness and corruption; and our divines had been much more converfant with the quibbles of the schools than the doctrines of the gofpel. Is it then to be fuppofed, that their minds could be at once completely illuminated that they could immediately afcertain the genuine principles of the christian religion? This, it is certain, can never be accomplished, without a critical knowledge of the New Teftament, with which our forefathers, of the fixteenth century, were but meanly furnished. Since the time of the Reformation, we can venture to fay, that great improvements have been made in theological learning, If therefore our divines have bid adieu to Calvinism, it is furely because they have found, upon farther examination, that its doctrines have no foundation in fcripture. To attempt to bring us back to that exploded fyftem is as abfurd, as it would be to re-establish the Ariftotelian philofophy, or to abolish the arts and sciences which have been invented fince the reign of Queen Elizabeth.

2. It may be faid, that while thefe articles maintain their authority in the church, the clergy are obliged in confcience to fupport the doctrines they contain. This is very true: but at the fame time it must be acknowledged, that we are at liberty to put the moft rational conftruction upon them the words will admit. We are not required to derive our explication of them from the writings of our first reformers. The articles are public declarations; and the fentiments of men in their private capa.city are nothing to the purpofe.

3. That in thefe articles a latitude was defigned to be given to the fubfcriber, is no new opinion. When Mr. Rogers publifhed his book, that is, about thirteen years after they were established by act of parliament, Dr. Fuller fays, "Many Proteftants of a middle temper were offended at it. Some conceived it prefumption for any private minifter to make himself the mouth of the church, to render her fenfe in matters of fo high concernment. Others were offended, that his interpretation confined the charitable latitude, formerly allowed in these articles: the compofers whereof providently forefeeing that doctrinal differences would inevitably arife in fo large a church as England was, even between proteftants agreeing in fundamentals of religion, purposely couched the articles in general terms, to include all fuch diffenters within the comprehenfivenels of the expreffions. Whereas now Mr. Rogers's reftrictive comment fhut out fuch from their concurrence with the church of England, which the difcreet laxity of the text admitted thereto." Church Hift.

P. 173.

4. In the fixth article the church declares, that "whatfoever is not read in the fcripture, nor may be proved thereby, as not to be required of any man, that it should be believed as

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an article of faith." If in thefe articles there is any unfcriptural tenet, we heartily wish that "we were well rid of it.". "Our forefathers rejected what they thought was of human invention; and what we find to be fo, that escaped them, we, upon their principles, are to reject: otherwise we only exchange one kind of bondage for another." And to say the truth, this performance of Mr. Bowman is in reality the fevereft libel upon the articles that has ever been published: for if it is proved that they lay us under the neceffity of adopting Calvinistical principles, we must renounce our reafon and the New Tefta

ment.

III. The Grand Inftructions to the Commiffioners appointed to frame a new Code of Laws for the Ruffian Empire: Composed by her Imperial Majefly Catherine II. Empress of all the Ruffias. To which is prefixed, a Defcription of the Manner of opening the Commiffion, with the Order and Rules for electing the Commiffioners. Tranflated from the Original, in the Ruffian Language, by Michael Tatifcheff, a Ruffan Gentleman; aud published by Permiffion. 410. Pr. 10. 6d. Jefferies.

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Right reverend author endeavours to prove that the Jews had no knowledge of a future ftate, and yet fubfifted as a people under regulated government. Had his lordship turned his eyes to Ruffia, he would have seen a more extraordinary paradox, without fpeculative or problematical reafoning to fupport it a people void of all ideas of justice, arts, or civil policy, forming themselves into a great empire, merely because they believed in one man, whofe name was Peter. This great perfonage had not even the pride or antiquity of family to recom mend him to the veneration of his fubjects, the first monarch of his ancestors being contemporary with James I. of England. The father of that monarch was a prieft and a prifoner, his mother a nun by compulsion, and himself no more than fifteen years of age when he was elected to the throne. His fon Alexis enjoyed scarce. ly a moment of his life free from civil infurrections, or foreign wars; but Mr. Voltaire fays, he was the first who caused a body of laws to be formed for Ruffia, though imperfect; a fact which is corroborated by the publication before us. The turbulence of his reign, however, prevented him from carrying any of them into execution. His two eldest fons and fucceffors were weak both in body and mind; and whatever good inclinations they might poffefs for the reformation of their fubjects, they Jeft them the fame favages they found them.

Such was the state of Ruffia when Peter mounted the throne, after the administration of his fifter Sophia had rendered the

Ruffians,

Ruffians, if poffible, greater brutes than ever. Fortunately for him, his fubjects were fo deftitute of knowledge in the civil, military, and social arts, that felf-love (for so barbarous a people were fufceptible of no other principle) induced them to employ foreigners; and Le Fort, a native of Geneva, was the first who awakened Peter to a fenfe of his native barbarity. We shall not pursue this detail farther; only we fhall take the liberty to say, that had not Peter been a greater barbarian than any of his fubjects, he could not have executed the prodigious plans he formed for the aggrandizement and civilization of his empire. The fanguinary measures he was forced to employ are shocking to human nature; and he fucceeded only by the impreffions of terror, and the feverity of punishments. By thofe he abolished fome of the capital prepoffeffions of his people, and rendered them more pliable to the word of command. This was a great deal, and more perhaps than any one monarch ever effected before. He durft not, however, fuffer his fubjects to know there was any law except what exifted in his breaft. The courts of juftice and the magiftrates he appointed were conftituted only to fave himself trouble; nor durft the members of the inhuman commiffion which he appointed for the trial of his own fon, bring in any verdict but what they knew would be agreeable to his pleasure.

The labours of Peter, his wars, his conquefts, and acquifitions, had, however, the happy effect of rendering the Ruffians docile and tractable; and a fucceffion of able princes or empreffes fince his time, have kept up a regularity formed by the lights of nature, in the administration of internal juftice throughout their empire. It was referved for her prefent Ruffian majefty to enjoy the glory of informing her fubjects, that the rules of justice do not depend upon the will of the fovereign, and that they are to be equally proportioned through all the departments of government and civil policy. Her people seem now to be brought to a difpofition that relishes thofe maxims, and the Inftructions before us are a plain demonftration that the thinks they may be now entrusted with their own happiness.

The tranflator, in his preface to this publication, makes a very juft elogium on the reign of Elizabeth Petrowna the Clement; and draws the character of the Ruffian government from the reign of Peter the Great to that of Catherine II. the prefent emprefs who, he fays, is placed upon the throne by that beft and nobleft right, the free united voice and acclamations of a whole people, in the following words:

But as human prudence is too fhort-fighted to foresee every confequence of a fcheme projected by man, the unwearied endeavours of Peter the Great to make Ruffia the center of the

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commerce of the univerfe, the mighty fcheme which he had in view, were productive of numerous evils, which, in his time, were neither thought of, nor confequently attended to. It is a received maxim, founded upon experience, that commerce polifhes manners; but, at the same time, it is a truth equally well-founded, that commerce, by fupplying the means for luxury, corrupts manners: a maxim which has been hitherto exemplified in every trading nation in the universe. As the introduction of foreign customs and foreign commerce increased, measures alike neceffary for raifing our navy and polishing our manners, the luxury of foreign nations, with all that train of evils, which are its inevitable confequences, increased too in proportion.

Univerfal diffipation took the lead, and profligacy of manners as quickly fucceeded. Many of the lords, who are the general land-holders, began to squeeze and grind their peasants, to extort fresh supplies for the inceffant demands of luxury. The miferable peafant, difabled by the heavy load of taxes, was frequently compelled to abandon his house, and ramble over the whole empire, in queft of means to fatisfy the oppreffive demands of his rapacious lord, whilft his wretched family was neglected at home, and the lands lay uncultivated. Thus agriculture and population diminished daily, the two greatest evils which can befal a nation; but more particularly fatal to Ruffia, which contains, by the faireft calculation, more fquare miles by one full third, than the Roman empire ever did in its greatest extent, under its victorious emperor Trajan.'

We shall not repeat to the reader the defcription of the manner in which the commiffion for compofing a new code of laws was opened at Mofcow, on Friday the third day of Auguft 1767. It is fufficient to fay in general, that the proceffion then exhibited was in the highest ftile of magnificence; and that the fpeeches delivered by the bishop of Tuer and the metropolitan of Novogorod, though they partake fomewhat of the Eastern manner, are fo far from being inflated, that they are affecting and eloquent. Thofe of the vice-chancellor and the marshal, when the emprefs was prefented with the titles of "Catherine the Great, the most wife, the mother of her country," are lefs ornamented, but very proper for the occafion. The orders and rules for regulating the commiffion for compofing the new code of laws, are well adapted to an affembly of people whom we cannot fuppofe to be much converfant in the decorum of public meetings. The members confift of the deputies from the high departments of administration, and deputies from the different governments of the empire, which are in number twenty.

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1

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The deputies of the districts, in every province, are to be placed according to the date of the time of their appearance in the fenate: first, thofe of the gentry; next, those of the cities ; afterwards, thofe of the gentlemen farmers, and other old fervants of the state; and, laftly, thofe of the common people. The deputies of our Cofack-troops are to have their rank with the deputies of that province which they inhabit, after the deputies of the cities, as above mentioned. All the deputies of the Greek profeffion are to enter the church, and thofe that are not of the fame communion, are to remain at the churchdoor.'

Thus this affembly may be confidered as the parliament of Ruffia, and the deputies are the reprefentatives of the people. The regulations for their proceedings are very particular, folemn, and orderly, and figned by her imperial majefty.

Next follow the inftructions to the commiflioners for compofing a new code of laws. These instructions are drawn up in the didactic form. They begin with the fimple fober principles of the Chriftian religion, which lead to focial happiness and protection under the laws, but particularly adapted to the circumftances of the Ruffian empire. An abfolute power in the fovereign is laid down as the bafis of its government, and monarchy is prefumed to be the beft of all inftitutions. The most patriot Briton may fubfcribe to that opinion. But we do not find that even this code of laws, calculated as it is for the good of the subjects, excludes a fignioral power from the monarch, which is incompatible with the principles of liberty. Will Catherine II. conform herfelf to the fituation of a British fovereign by refigning the power of doing wrong? Every government must be absolute; but a people must be flaves under a prince who is arbitrary. The king and government of England cannot be arbitrary, because their power is determined by the law, which renders them only abfolute, and (as we hinted before) every conftitution must be fo in the laft refort of juftice and legislation.

The definition of liberty, in this publication, is excellent. "Liberty is the right of doing whatfoever the laws allow;" but arbitrary power is fuperior to law; and therefore, according to this definition, no liberty can fubfift in the Ruffian government, fuppofing the present emprefs to be fucceeded by a bloody, ambitious, capricious, or avaricious tyrant. This is a confideration, however, that ought not to affect the wife and good intention of this amiable princefs, because it might perhaps shake the fprings of her authority, fhould fhe attempt to put it out of the power of her fucceffors to be tyrants. Among

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